
"The same Chain that passes around the Slave's neck 
fastened to the "WTiite Man's heel." Par. XXVII. 



LEAYEN FOPv DOUGHFACES; 



OR 



THREESCORE AND TEN PARABLES 



TOUCHING SLAVERY. 



BY 

A FORMER RESIDENT OF THE SOUTH. 

Wk must suggest the People, in what hatred 
This Power doth hold them ; that to its sway, it would 
Have made them mules, silenced their pleaders, and 
Dispropertied their freedoms : holding them 
In human action and capacity, 
Of no more soul, nor fitness i'or the world, 
Than camels in their war ; who have their provand 
Only for bearing burdens, and sore blows 
For sinking under them. 

Gorwlanus mutat. rmdaivd. 




CINCINNATI: 

BANGS AND COMPANY. 

LONOLEY BROTHERS, I681 VINE ST. 

CLEVELAND : L. E. BARNAKD & CO. 
1856. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by 

D. Lyman, Jr., E. N. Bangs, L. E. Barnard, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District 
of Ohio. 



PREFACE. 

If the author of this book shall in any 
manner contribute to bring about a rising among 
that patriotic class of the community for whose 
benefit it was produced, he will consider him- 
self amply repaid for his labor. American 
dough being naturally heavy, he found it neces- 
sary to give as much pungency and strength to 
the leaven for it, as it could well bear. May 
the dough rise 1 



CONTENTS 



I. 

THE THOUGHTFUL FREE:MAN. 
Slavery established in a community makes Free Laborers poor. 13 

II. 

THE GREAT ROBBERY. 

The Slave Power never keeps its Promises. 16 

III. 
THE STONES CRYING OUT. 
That Nation which boasts most of its Liberty, is of all Nations most 

disgraced by its failure to secure it. 20 

lY. 

THE PEOPLE BECOME SOVEREIGN 
A community exercises Popular Sovereignty, when it is governed by 

Slaveholders against its will. 22 

V. 

THE CHIEF MAGISTRATE AND THE CHURCH DEPUTIES. 
A part of the American Church is indifferent to the existence of 

Slavery, and a pait devoted to it. 24 

YI. 
THE COLONIZERS. 
The main obstacle to the Colonization of the African American is his 

bondage. 28 

YII. 
THE UNHAPPY FREEMAN. 
The Southern Non-Slaveholder expects the Northern Freeman to do 
his duty. • • • 32 

(5) 



6 CONTENTS. 

VIII. 
THE CONGRESS OF REPUBLICS. 
The Slaveholders wish to render Slavery more secure, when they 

extend the area of Freedom. 35 

IX. 
THE ORDER OF IGXORAMI. 
It is hard to be a Know-Xothing and not be subservient to the Slave 

Power. • 38 

X. 

THE DAXGEROUS WO.AL\.N. 
Even a "Woman who teaches Slaves to read, is a terror to their Mas- 
ters. 42 

XI. 
THE HAPPY CANDIDATES. 
Pleasant is the union between Doughface and Slaveholder when the 

People are to be cheated. 47 

XII. 
THE TRIAL OF THE LION'S SKIN. 
The reputation of a Dead Hero cannot well be made to cover two 

Candidates for office. 52 

XIII. 
THE CHRISTIAN SLAVE. 
Good Christians sell better than any other class of Slaves in the 

South. 57 

XIV. 

THE STRONG ASS. 

The North is a strong Ass bowing between two burdens. 60 

XV. 

THE SLAVEHOLDER ENSLAVED. 
It is right for a Slave to run away from his Master. 64 

XVI. 

THE LYING SLAVE. 

If Slaves are Liiirs their Masters make them so. 69 

XVII. 
FREE TRADE. 
Slaveholders desire to cripple the growth of the People. 72 



• CONTENTS. 7 

XVIII. 
THE DANGEROUS MAN. 
In half the Union, it is unsafe for a Freeman to avow sentiments 

hostile to Slavery. 75 

XIX. 
THE APOSTLE OF LIBERTY. 
Lying for Slavery is so well done by native Americans, that Irish 
Apostles find it an unprofitable business. 81 

XX. 

THE SLAVE-PEN. 
There should ever be a Slave-Pen within sight of the Capitol to re- 
mind Aliens of the quality of American Liberty. 85 

XXI. 

THE WEIGHING OF THE MERITS. 

Our Presidents are the tools of the Slave Power. 88 

XXII. 
THE DEMOCRAT ON A HUNT. 
The latest Democracy finds a genial occupation in the chase of Fu- 
gitive Slaves. 90 

XXIII. 
THE BLACK EMBASSADORS. 
The Ministers of Colored Nations cannot be received by the Govern- 
ment of the Union. 93 

XXIV. 

THE OPENING OF THE SEALS. 

When the People bargain with Slaveholders, they ever get cheated. 00 

XXV. 
THE REJECTED OFFER. 
h. Fugitive Slave knows when he is happy as well as a born Demo- 
crat. 100 

XXVI. 
THE RULER OF A FREE PEOPLE TRIED. 
The Chief Magistrate of a Free People needs not necessarily be a 
man, 104 



8 CONTENTS. 

XXVII. 

THE SLAVE-HOLDER'S PROTECTION. 
A boay of ifcnorant Non-Slaveholding Freemen support the tyranny 

of the Slaveholders, and degrade themselves. 101 

XXVIII. 
THE CRACKED LIBERTY-BELL. 
The cracked Bell which announced the signing of the Declaration of 

Independence, is the symbol of our National Freedom. 114 

XXIX 

THE EIGHT VICTIM. 

The Fugitive Law enforced on a Democrat makes a man of him. •• •• 117 

XXX. 

THE POLITIC SLAVEHOLDERS. 
The dread of Disunion, and the cry of Democracy, are the means 

with which the Slave Power subdues the People. 120 

XXXI. 

THE TRAITOR TO THE UNION. 

Hostility to Slavery is treason to the Union. 123 

XXXII. 
THE INGENIOUS JUDGE. 
It is only in a Republic that the Writ of Habeus Corpus can be tised 

to recover Fugitive Slaves. 126 

XXXTII.' 

THE PROTECTION OF LAW. 
Citizens of a Free State barely suspected of aiding the escape of 

Fugitive Slaves may be sent to Prison in a Slave State. 129 

XXXIV. 
THE DOUGHFACE'S LETTER. 

Hospitality costs nothiiig, when the toil of Slaves pays the expense. 132 

XXXV. 
THE KITCHEN SLAVE. 
Not every Southern Gentleman dares to bring all his Children into 

the Parlor. 137 

XXXVI. 
THE PRESIDENTIAL CATECHISM. 
A Democratic Candidate for the Presidency should aim to establish 

ana perpetuate Slavery as a National Institution. Ill 



CONTENTS. 9 

XXXVII. 
THE REVIVAL IN THE SOUTH. 
In the South there are two Gospels preached; one for the Master, and 

the other for the Slave. l-i6 

XXXVIII. 

THE SORE THROAT. 

Democratic Senators do not prosper by speaking the Truth. >5i 

XXXXIX. 
THE DOUGHFACE APPROVED 
The Doughface aspires to nothing higher than the approbation of 
a Slaveholder. 154 

XL. 
THE PURIFIED MAIL BAGS. 
The passage of Anti-vSlavery papers through a Shwe State is dan- 
gerous to free institutions. 161 

XLI. 

THE DISTRESSED SEMINARY. 

Slaves may be sold to support the Gospel. 165 

XLII. 
THE RESTITUTION. 
The Union will indemnify the Slaveholder against the loss of unborn 

Slave Babies. 169 

XLIII. 
THE DOUGHFACE RELIEVED. 
American Democracy prefers Involuntary to Voluntary Amalgama- 
tion. 173 

XLIV. 

THE CAPTURED FUGITIVE AND THE MINISTERS. 
A Clergyman in regular standing in the Churches cannot pray pub- 
licly for the freedom of a Fugitive Slave. 177 

XLV. 
THE FUGITIVE CHURCH-ME^IBER. 
In the South Church -members will run away from the means of 
grace. 180 



10 CONTENTS. 

XLVI. 
THE EMANCIPATED DOUGHFACE. 
Even a Doughface might become a lover of liberty, if made a Slave 

himself. 183 

XLYII. 

THE ORGAN FOR COLORS. 

Slaveholders feel no repugnance to Amalgamation. 188 

XLVIII. 
THE PROSPECTS OF THE WOULD-BE CANDIDATES. 
Whoever would be a Democratic President should not be an open 
advocate of Universal Liberty, neither should he do too much 
or too little for Slavery. 192 

XLIX. 
THE PRESIDENT ELECT. 
Slavery makes so very small men Presidents, that most of them are 

amazed at their own success. 198 

L. 

THE POLYGAMOUS STATE. 
Polygamy shotild not exclude a people from admission to the Union, 

when half the States practice it. 201 

LI. 
THE MUTTERING THUNDER. 
The fear of Northern bayonets keeps the Southern Slave in subjec- 
tion. 200 

LII. 
THE SURE SAFEGUARD. 
The Slaveholder relies on the North as a last resort for protection 

against the insuaection of his Slaves. 210 

LIII. 
'THE CABINET COUNCIL. 
The greatest perplexity of American Presidents and their Cabinets 

arises from a desire to strangle the Liberty of the People. 215 

LIV. 

THE INSURRECTION. 

Roeistance to Tyrants is obedience to God. 219 



CONTENTS. 11 

LV. 

THE NATIONAL GLORY. 
Kational Glory consists in the possession of a Sound Democracy, a 
series of Democratic Presidents, and a laboring class of Slaves 
governed by a corps of Slaveholders. 222 

LYI. 
THE CHIEF MAGISTRATE ENTRANCED. 
"When a Pro-Slavery President speaks the truth, he is in an abnormal 

condition. 228 

L Y II . 

THE UNEXPECTED PROPHECY. 

The Slaveholders are not the South. 233 

LYIII. 
THE PATRIOT'S PORTRAIT. 
American Statesmen are expected not so much to love liberty, as to 
profess a love for it. 237 

LIX. 
THE BESOTTED ALIEN. 
The Alien who would ostracise the native Colored Man, should not 

be surprised to find himself ostracised by the native White. •• •• 242 

LX. 

THE BORDER RUFFIANS. 
The Border Ruffians reside in Washington. 248 

LXI. 

THE YOUNG STATESMAN. 
The Cowardice of the North is the Strength of the South. 253 

LXII. 
THE DANGEROUS PRIVILEGE. 
Colored persons should not be allowed to testify against Whites, in 

cases of Church Discipline. 258 

LXIII. 
THE INWARD MESSAGE. 
The Messages of our Democratic Presidents have an inner sense 
when they treat of Slavery. 203 

LXIY. 

THE UNSHACKLED FREEMAN. 

Desert your Party when your Party deserts its Principles. 292 



>12 CONTENTS. 

LXY. 
THE CHOSEN MONU^^IENTS. 
The Monuments to our Presidents should commemorate the deeds for 

which they are most distinguished. 295 

LXVI. 
THE DOUBLE TETE-A-TETE. 
The Northern Doughface and Southern Slaveholder are equally 

fearful of Disunion. 299 

LXVII. 

THE STATESMAN IN HADES. 

Pro-Slavery Statesmen fare no better in Hades than common sinners. 395 

LXYIII. 

THE UNKNOWN FUGITR^E. 

Even the Church will sometime learn that Slavery is wrong. 309 

LXIX. 
THE QUALIFIED CITIZEN. 
Only he who owns a Slave is entitled to Citizenship in the Territo- 
ries of the Union. 3I3 

LXX. 

THE STPvICKEN SENATOR. 

Free Speech cannot be tolerated in Congress. 320 



DEMOCRATIC STATUTE IN FORCE IN KANSAS, July 4, 1856. 
Be it enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of the Ter- 
ritory of Kansas, as follows : 329 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 



I. 

THE THOUGHTFUL FREEMAN; 

Slavery established in a community makes Free Laborers 
poor. 

Lv a country where the greater part of the land 
was possessed by Slaveholders, there lived a free- 
man who knew no other occupation than the tilling 
of the soil. For his father had been poor, and unable 
to educate his son in any of the mechanic arts, or for 
any learned profession, needing his assistance in 
his own toil. Thus the son grew to manhood a cul- 
tivator of the ground, and going out free from his 
father's house, he cast about for the means of 
obtaining a livelihood. As there was no other 
resource for him, he rented a small patch of a slave- 
holder's plantation and settled upon it with his 
family. Unable to draw from it enough for a com- 
fortable subsistence, he was wont to go abroad in 
quest of employment. Little, however, could he find 
to do; for on every plantation he was told that the 
slaves performed all the necessary labor, and that 
if he were hired he could receive but a pittance, 

(13) 



14 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

as the slaves worked for nothing. Thus he was 
compelled to pass many a day in idleness, or in la- 
bor which brought him but a trifling income. So 
he resorted to hunting and fishing, and lived as he 
could. And the poorer and more destitute he be- 
came, the more did he grow ashamed of labor, be- 
cause he dreaded to be put on a level with slaves. 
And, indeed, the very slaves laughed to see a free- 
man reduced to toil with themselves. Thus a great 
hatred grew up between him and them, and he 
rejoiced to see them in bondage, and they were 
delighted to see him degraded by poverty. 

Now when his prospects were darkest for any 
relief, sitting one day in a gloomy mood in the 
door of his cabin, a slave accosted him, and asked 
the reason of his despondency. The freeman an- 
swered, that he had no certain means of subsis- 
tence, and could Jio where find labor to perform. 
Then said the slave: If you poor freemen would 
act wisely toward us who are slaves, you would 
soon cease to be poor. For how can you toiling 
non-slaveholders expect to be paid for your labor, 
when we slaves are compelled to do the same labor 
for nothing. Liberate us, you poor freemen, from 
bondage, and we will liberate you. For when we 
can charge a price for our work, then all needful 
labor will bring a price, and you will always be 
able to find employment, and will live comfortably. 
Bat it is certain, that if we who number thousands 
of thousands do the most needful labors for nothing, 
you poor freemen must starve for the want of em- 
ployment. Do youj then, compel the Slaveholders 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 15 

to free us, and at the same time emancipate your- 
selves. 

Then the freeman said: Never before have I 
seen that by holding you in bondage, I made my- 
self a slave. Henceforth, I will struggle to free 
you, that your freedom may strengthen mine; for 
I fear, that if but one man be unlawfully held in 
servitude, the rights of all others will be in some 
manner injured. 



II. 

TEE GREAT ROBBERY. 

The Slave Power never keeps its Promises. 

In a country in which the People had entered 
into a highly inconvenient partnership with Slave- 
holders for the enjoyment of national advantages, 
there arose a dispute between the parties for the 
control of certain territory which had been purchased 
with the money of the People. In this dispute, the 
Slaveholders demanded that a particular portion 
of this territory should be admitted to the common 
union with the full permission to themselves to hold 
certain of the People in bondage; but the People 
demanded that in this admitted district all persons 
should be free. In the National Council where this 
dispute was carried on, the controversy raged with 
great violence, and the Slaveholders menaced the 
deputies of the People with secession from the 
union unless their demands were conceded. Now 
to restore harmony between the parties and prevent 
the Slaveholders from ruining the People by seces- 
sion, one of their order brought forward a plan 
of settlement. He proposed that a line be draw^n 
through the territory, and tliat all on one side of the 
line, including the district about which the dispute 
(10) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 17 

arose, should be surrendered to the Slaveholders 
as a field for the display of the liberty they loved, 
and all on the other, should be guarantied to the 
opposing party for the development of their liberty. 
So the deputies of the People, alarmed at the 
threats of the Slaveholders, agreed to the proposed 
settlement, and they surrendered all the territory 
below the line, to be everlastingly desecrated and 
cursed, and the portion above, they reserved to the 
People and the uses of tlieir freedom forever. This 
settlement they called a Compromise. 

So the Compromise stood undisturbed for the 
lifetime of a generation — the Slaveholders pro- 
ceeding forthwith to curse their allotted portion, 
and the People reserving theirs for the wants of 
their children. After thirty years and more had 
passed, there arose a Chief Magistrate who had 
been put in office by the Slave Power (for in 
their union with the People this Power managed 
to fill all the im})ortant offices of t!ie common gov- 
ernment with their own creatures), and this man 
longed for nothing so much as to signalize his ser- 
vility to the class to which he owed his honors. He 
came, indeed, from that part of the country where 
the Slaveholder's liberty was limited, but contrary 
to what might be expected he cared little for the 
People, and worshipped their Masters. Fortunately 
for him, there was in the National Council a little 
man who had been raised to the dignity of a Slave- 
holder by marriage to a plantation ; this order of 
nobility at times condescending to raise the com- 
mon people to their own level by such a process. 



18 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

This man having become a Slaveholder, professed 
a great regard for democracy, and thus had influ- 
ence in the National Council. Sympathizing with 
the Chief Magistrate in his desn-e to subserve the 
interests of the Slaveholders, to whom they both 
owed their rise from obscurity, he hit upon the 
happy thought of robbing the People of their ter- 
ritory, and forthwith broached the matter tc his 
fellow. 

Said he to the Magistrate : We owe all we are, 
or ever shall be, to the Slaveholders. We are both 
small men — I, both in body and soul — you, at 
least, in soul. We need to do something to keep 
the remembrance of us alive after we have been 
cast aside by our party. If we cannot do a good 
thing, let us do a mean thing. Let us m.ake the 
Slaveholders supreme over the People. Let us 
procure the passage of a law which shall surrender 
all the territory belonging to the People by the 
Compromise, to them. 

Said the Magistrate : No one can have a more 
lively sense of his own littleness than L By read- 
ing the papers devoted to our party, I can manage 
to keep up great impressions of my own impor- 
tance; but in private, as soon as my mind is unen- 
livened by the incense of flattery, J. sink back into 
a woful consciousness of my own insignificance, 
if my body, as well as soul, were small like yours, 
1 should hardly know where to look for myself, 
when any great duty is to be done. But, thanks 
to heaven, nothing but my soul is very small. I 
agree with you that if we cannot do a great good 



LEAYEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 19 

thing, we would better imitate that Erostratus who 
burned the temple of Ephesus to be eternally re- 
membered. I like the notion of robbing the People 
of their territory. But how shall we prevent their 
taking offense at it? When one cheats them 
he ought to contrive to conceal the act; for one 
often needs to use them after the deception, and 
that may be our case. 

The People are asses, said the little man. Noth- 
ing is easier than to persuade them that the very 
act by which we cheat them of this territory is an 
act to extend Popular Sovereignty. Let us only 
spread among them that cry, and all who imbibe 
their democracy from their party leaders and from 
the magnetism of the national treasury, will at 
once accept it. 

That is the true plan, said the Magistrate. Do 
you but draft a law for the government of that 
territory, in which there shall be just no Popular 
Sovereignty at all, and procure its passage, and my 
faithful editors will at once commence defending 
the fraud, and by unscrupulous lying the people 
can be made to swallow it without difficulty. 

The plan was carried out; the law stealing the 
great territory was passed by the minions of the 
Slaveholders. But only a few of the People were 
sufficiently stupid to see in it the Popular Sover- 
eignty which the lying editors so much applauded. 



III. 

THE STONES CRYINa OUT. 

That Nation v/hich. boasts most of its Liberty, is of all Na- 
tions most disgraced by its short-comings in securing it. 

A NATION which had passed through a war of 
seven years' duration to secure liberty, and which 
had been led in the war by a great and good man, 
thought to honor him, long after his death, by 
building a monument to his memory. So the}' 
who directed the construction of it, recommended 
to the confederate States of the nation, that each 
should send a stone to the edifice, that when the 
work should be completed, there might be in its 
walls the enduring testimony that they had all 
shared in a common veneration of the great man, 
and in the glory of his monument. Then the con- 
federate States sent in their memorial stones — one 
a piece of marble, and another a block of granite, 
and others such other stones as are seemly in an 
edifice, till all were represented. And the builders 
took the stones, and wrought them cunningly 
together, and the monument towered upward 
stately and fair. 

Now it chanced, wliile the work was in progress, 
that the Chief Magistrate of the nation paid it a 
C20j 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 21 

visit. And gazing on its beauty, he said: How 
majestic will this pile be when finished! For it 
will be a work which a king might desire for his 
mausoleum, but in which the ver}^ goddess of liberty 
can rejoice! Then the stones in the building, hear- 
ing his voice, cried out, all at once : Thou hypo- 
crite! thou that executest a law returning slaves to 
bondage, and robbest unborn millions of freedom 
in the name of Popular Sovereignty, what is liberty 
to thee but the license of the strongest? Far rather 
would we now lie unpolished in our native quarries 
than to be brought together here to illustrate the 
disgrace of thy nation! — to hold up for the admira- 
tion of mankind the glory of her liberty, while three 
millions of slaves give the lie to her professions! 
For the groans of three millions of slaves force 
even us to cry out, when crimes that would blacken 
the darkness of hell a deeper dye, are sanctioned 
by the National Council, and executed by her high- 
est officer! Speak not of liberty till liberty exists, 
or, at least, till we are scattered to the four winds 
of heaven ; for how can we honor the Father of his 
country, when the country is not worthy of his 
fame? 

Hearing these words the Magistrate hurried 
away, sensible of the reproof, but incapable of 
reformation; for though he had a glimmering- 
apprehension of the demands of justice, he had a 
lively sense for the emoluments of office, and the 
pleasures of a perishable fame. 



IV. 

THE PEOPLE BECOME SOVEREIGN. 

A community exercises Popular Sovereignty, when it is gov- 
erned by Slaveholders against its will. 

When the people had been robbed of then' terri- 
tory by the annuhnent of the great Compromise, 
the cry of Popular Sovereignty echoed long and 
loudly among them, and many being desirous of 
erecting a state that should be truly free, flocked to 
the new country to create homes for themselves 
and establish liberty and justice. They said with- 
in themselves : Nowhere shall the people be 
more free and more happy, than under the institu- 
tions which we shall create. For all men without 
regard to race, or color, shall have their personal 
liberty guaranteed to them by immutable law, and 
naught but crime shall work a forfeiture of it. Ours 
shall be a community where the people are masters, 
and their will shall be law, because their aims will 
be just. A true brotherhood shall grow up in the 
virgin territory, which shall be an envied model to 
all other communities. The chains of no slave 
shall clank upon it, and no "man shall eat the fruit 
of his brother's unpaid toil. There shall be equal- 
ity before righteous laws, and no one shall serve 
(22) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 23 

another without his reward. Soon the wilderness 
shall bloom, and the solitary places be made glad 
for our coming, for we love the inalienable rights 
of man, and we go to prepare a garden wherein 
they may produce fruit. 

Now the Slaveholders understanding better than 
the people what was meant by the sovereignty 
which they were to have, resolved to give them an 
example. For they did not believe in the equality 
of man with man, but in the ownership of man by 
man. When the people were ready to convene 
and ordain laws for freedom and justice, they 
therefore brought armed scoundrels into the new 
territory who assumed to themselves the right of 
legislating for the people, and appointing their 
rulers. These men enacted that inequality be- 
tween man and his fellow should be the funda- 
mental rule in the new community, and that the 
liberty of slaveholding should be first of all secured. 
And, therefore, they muzzled the mouths of the 
people, and tied their hands by accursed statutes, 
forbidding them to speak, or write, or vote against 
involuntary servitude. 

Then the Chief Magistrate, beholding the result, 
said : The work is well done. The Slaveholders 
have their wish ; they will henceforth be masters 
in the new territory, and this success of theirs will 
go far toward enthralling the People forever. 



THE CHIEF MAaiSTRATE AND THE CHURCH 
DEPUTIES. 

A part of the American Church is indifferent to the existence 
of Slavery, and a part devoted to it. 

After the People had suffered the Great Robbery 
of their territoiy in the name of Popular Sovereignty, 
and after the Chief Magistrate had appointed a 
governor to aid in establishing slavery in it, a 
Church in the South, being highly delighted with 
his proceedings, resolved to express to him their 
deep sense of his services. They therefore ap- 
pointed deputies to congratulate him on the success 
of his beneficent projects, who went to his palace, 
and addressed him in these words : 

We are representatives of a Church of Christ, 
which has witnessed your excellent official acts 
with the greatest interest. We are deeply imbued 
with the spirit of our divine Redeemer, and think 
we need to go to no one to be instructed in the 
principles ol' his religion. We sum up his whole 
law in two precepts; Servants ohey your masters — 
and — Let every soul be subject to the higlier powers. 
Having thoroughly studied Christ, we know that 
he came to redeem the world by subjecting man to 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 25 

man; and we suppose, therefore, that every institu- 
tion which favors the control of man b}^ man, must 
have a place in his especial regard. Inasmuch as 
your Excellency labors so zealously for the extension 
and perpetuity of the institution of Slavery, we feel 
that you are not only a model democrat, but a 
Christian on whom the divine blessing rests with a 
peculiar unction. The subjection of the People to 
the absolute authority of a few, if we study aright 
the Sacred Scriptures and the providential govern- 
ment of the world, seems to be the aim of the 
Universal Ruler. We look with no approbation 
on the prevalent clamor for liberty, nor indeed 
upon any scheme for the amelioration of human ills, 
which does not originate in the Church, and of 
which she is not patron. We regard the institution 
of Slavery as one of great beneficence, as sanc- 
tioned by Patriarchs and Apostles, and admirably 
adapted by its conservative and redemptive efficacy 
to the needs of the carnal man. We therefore 
strive with all diligence to subject the human mind 
to our dogmas, and then their bodies to an aristoc- 
racy with which we can sympathize. We feel that 
your Excellency is a co-laborer with us in this holy 
mission, and that you have done more in one year 
to perpetuate spiritual and corporeal servitude, than 
we could have done in ten by the application of 
our ordinary instrumentalities. Go on, then, noble 
Sir, in this mission of subjecting the People to their 
rightful masters, the Slaveholders, that a majestic 
aristocracy with which the Church can sympathize, 
may rule our land, and that she herself may be 



26 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

thus rendered glorious and terrible as an army 
with banners. 

Then the Chief Magistrate responded : It was 
one of my first lessons in political philosophy that 
the People are not to be trusted with power. When, 
therefore, on attaining manhood, I found myself an 
actor in a political system in which the People 
were partners, I began to consider how I could 
most efficiently act against them. I soon discov- 
ered that the noble aristocracy of Slaveholders is 
the proper depository of the powers of our govern- 
ment, and its only competent managers. I also 
perceived that the People were so infatuated with 
the name and shadow of democracy, that they 
were utterly incapable of recognizing the genuine 
substance of it; and that there were parties in ex- 
istence which were secretly striving to bring the 
People under the control of Slaveholders. But as 
certain crafty fellows who had succeeded in palm- 
ing themselves upon the People as the expojients 
of genuine democracy, seemed most skillful in this 
business, I determined to become one of them, 
knowing that the name we bore would effectually 
conceal from the People any designs we might 
have against their liberties. Very fortunately for 
my fame, or at least, my notoriety, I have succeed- 
ed, in the name of Popular Sovereigntj^, in depriv- 
ing the People of the rule of an immense territory, 
and in delivering it over to the Slaveliolders. Un- 
born generations of this our American Nobility, I 
am sure, will regard me as their greatest benefac- 
tor. The skill with which I have stripped the Peo- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 27 

pie of possessions which they were unfit to manage, 
will never be forgotten. 

But I am greatly rejoiced to hear through you 
the voice of the Church. For though the Northern 
Church while secretly sympathizing with you, 
maintains a v/ise silence, and dissuades from all 
agitation on the subject of Slavery, this open sup- 
port of the Southern Church, commits her and the 
total body of the Lord's anointed to the defence of 
the institution. Thus in part openly supporting 
slavery, and in part conniving at it, the Church can 
be seen, as it were, in the very act of arraying her- 
self in her beautiful garments ; and though infidels 
may fancy they discover in them a resemblance to 
the color of the robes of the Scarlet Woman, we, 
who belong to the generation of the saints, know 
that this notion is altogether a mistake. 

Aided by your prayers and sympathies, I shall 
go on in this noble cause ; and I trust that during 
my Administration, Slavery will be so far nation- 
alized, that the substantial power of the govern- 
ment will have passed finally and forever from the 
People, to the aristocracy of Slaveholders. 

I beg you to receive my thanks for this open 
avowal of the real sentiments of the Church, and 
to be assured that while you shall receive the ben- 
efit of my prayers, the virtue of which is doubtless 
very great, you shall never see me faint in a cause 
like this. 



VI. 

THE COLONIZERS. 

The main Obstacle to the Colonization of the African is his 

bondage. 

Certain good people of the free North, who were 
overflowing with benevolence, and in lack of any 
field of labor where it might find adequate vent, 
cast about for an object of charity. After diligent 
search their attention was drawn to the miseries of 
the African, and they resolved to pour out upon 
him all the milk of their humanity. And thinking 
that a man's natural home was the place where his 
ancestors were born, they went about the free North 
persuading the colored people that their home was 
the country whence their fathers were stolen. And 
while they persuaded the colored people to leave 
for this distant home, they cultivated the prejudices 
of the Anglo-Saxons, telling them that there was an 
ineradicable antipathy between the two races, 
which might one day dissolve in universal amalga- 
mation. Others they influenced by representing 
barbarous Africa as a vast field for missionary en- 
terprises, where the Cross might gain unheard-of 
victories. Thus by vigorous exertion of speech and 
pen, they built up a vast society to send African 
C28} 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 29 

Americans to a pleasant home among savages of 
their own race, who erect pyramids of human 
heads. 

Now, when the society was fully formed, they 
convened in the city of the Capitol; and, before a 
large assembly, a colonizer stood up and spoke, 
saying: The process of removing natives of one 
country to their natural home in a foreign land, 
must necessarily be attended with some difficulties. 
The African labors under the illusion in all parts of 
our country, that he has a right to remain where 
he was born. Hardly can we persuade him that it 
is only the Anglo-Saxon who has a natural right to 
remain in the land of his nativity. It requires an 
immense outlay of Scriptural demonstration and 
profound discourses on the pedigree of the children 
of Ham, to bring him to a just sense of the rights 
and pretensions of our white race. But I would in- 
form the audience, that by the aid of Scripture, and 
menaces, and invitations, we are making great im- 
pressions upon them. Granite does not wear away 
more rapidly under the continual dropping of oil, 
than the prejudices of the colored people against 
their natural home in a foreign land, vanishes un- 
der our preaching. No ocean was ever dipped dry 
with a thimble, sooner than we shall drain America 
of colored people by our scheme of colonizing. 
We may expect that in less than the combined life- 
time of forty of the oldest of the ante-deluvian pa- 
triarchs, not a negro will be found this side of the 
Atlantic. Then look at the consequences upon Af- 
rica herself. Invaded by regiments of barbers, and 



30 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

booi-blacks, chimney-sweeps and kitchen-maids, 
cooks and hostlers, all soldiers of the Cross, how 
must the light of Christianit}* inundate that ill-fated 
land! The vision is too intoxicating to dream of! 
In Soudan a cook enters the service of some savage 
despot, serves up a dish of colored human flesh, 
tickles the palate of his majesty, exerts a moral in- 
fluence, and before he is aware, the despot is hum- 
bled at the foot of the Cross! In Guinea, a colonized 
boot-black, taken captive a second time by a slave- 
dealer, puts an extra touch on his master's boot, 
drops in it a leaf from the American Tract Society, 
and forthwith the trader abandons his unholy occu- 
pation, returns with a few servants to America, and 
settles on a plantation in Alabama, an exemplary 
Christian! By such instrumentalities, and in such 
miraculous ways, is Africa to be redeemed. Not 
many geological epochs hence, and there will not 
be an unconverted heathen in that dark land, — not 
a colored man in America. 

Then arose a Slaveholder and said: I am afraid 
I must mar the l:)eautiful vision which the brother 
has just presented. He has spoken of the prejudice 
of the colored people against removal to Africa, 
as being an obstacle in the way of colonization. 
Let me tell him, that he will find us Slaveholders 
a greate'r obstacle than the prejudice of the negro. 
We know the value of the colored race in dollars 
and cents. Does he think we shall suffer them to 
be removed to Africa for any reason ? Not at all. 
AVc have no horror of amalgamation, as half our 
plantations witness, and we care nothing of spread- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES; 31 

ing the Gospel in Africa. We prefer rather that 
whole ship-loads should be brought here as slaves, 
and christianized by the discipline of the plantation. 
The natural road of the colored man to paradise, 
in our estimation, leads through the cotton-field and 
rice-swamp. Therefore colonization must stop, 
before it touches the slave. Colonize the free ne- 
gro, if you will, but do not touch the bondman. 
This is the only legitimate province for the opera- 
tions of your society. Thus you may be helpful to 
us. For we dislike the contagion of the presence 
of free negroes, among our slaves. Indeed, the 
first idea of colonization originated in our endea- 
vors to remove this hateful class, and we think the 
movement should not extend to a class for which 
it was not originally intended. 

In prosecuting the scheme of colonization, you 
may, therefore, if you choose, represent it in the 
North, as a plan to Christianize Africa, and to re- 
move there all negroes : but in the South do not 
mention the idea of removing all, but onl}^ the free 
ones. The Slaveholder cares not a straw for your 
Society, except as it rids him of the embarrassment 
of the contamination of his slaves by the presence 
of freemen. 

When this was heard, the assembly acquiesced, 
and ever after that the Society w^ore two faces; — 
one for the North, and the other for the South. 



VII. 

THE UNHAPPY FKEE3IAN. 

The Southern Non-Slaveholder expects the Northern Freeman 
to do his Duty. 

A NON-SLAVEiioLDER ill thc sunny South, sat, one 
summer's evening, in the door of his cabin, and 
gazed out upon the broad lands of a neighboring 
planter. As he gazed, he thought, with gloom, of 
his unhappy destiny, which, in a country abounding 
with thousands of acres of uncultivated ground, had 
allowed him none that he could call his own, and 
had ordained that he should never be a free owner 
of the soil. While indulging in these sad reflections, 
a traveller, riding along the solitary road that 
passed his cabin, halted and begged entertainment 
for the night. To this request the freeman an- 
swered, that if he could endure such poor fare as 
his cabin afforded, he was welcome to stay. So the 
traveller dismounted, and was soon sitting with his 
host engaged in friendly discourse, and watching 
the coming forth of thc stars. But as the host's 
thoughts were not readily diverted from the subject 
which occupied him upon the arrival of his guest, 
he soon let fall expressions which revealed to the 
latter his mental disquietude; and upon the guest 
(32) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 33 

inquiring why he did not purchase a plantation and 
slaves, and become one of the lords of the land, the 
host answered : 

You know little what it is to be a Non- 
slaveholder in the South. We have but one 
business among us by which a man can live. We 
are all tillers of the soil — Slaveholders and Non- 
slaveholders. But the Slaveholder, owning both 
land and slaves, forces the slaves to live at just so 
little expense to himself as will keep them in work- 
ing order. He pays them nothing for their labor 
but a scanty subsistence. On the other hand, he 
gives the land a false value, by his slave system, 
which renders it impossible for the poor non-slave- 
holder ever to purchase any land but the merest 
patches; for the non-slaveholder's labor has no 
market and no market value, and large plantations 
are a necessity to the Slaveholder. The slaves are 
the greatest of curses to us. If they were all freed 
to-day, to-morrow we non-slaveholders might get a 
reasonable price for our labor. But now they all 
work for nothing, and we must work for nothing 
also. If they were free, they would set a price on 
their labor, and then we should be paid for ours. 
But, as matters are, if we were to live to the age 
of Methuselah, we never could purchase a planta- 
tion. We must rent, and fish, and hunt — or die. 
-And I see not how we are to help ourselves. Though 
we are the majority, the greater part of us are so 
over-awed by the Slaveholders, and so dependent 
upon them in one form or another for the meager 
subsistence and slight employment we do find, that 



34 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

there is no courage among us to undertake ex- 
tensive political combinations against the despots. 
I think, however, we should combine against 
them, if we saw any prospect that the free North 
would lead the way, and stand by us when we 
should attempt to emancipate ourselves. But how 
sad are our prospects, when we see northern free- 
men shouting democracy at the back of a northern 
President who opens entire territories to the control 
of the Slaveholder! We hope, and expect, some 
day to be redeemed; but it will never be till north 
ern freemen lay siege to Slavery from without. 
When that is done, we too will attack it from with 
in, and sweep it from existence. 

Then said the guest : Take courage! In the 
North there are many who love liberty for the 
whole race. Not all there are hypocritical demo- 
crats. The North will soon do its duty, and you 
non-slaveholders of the South must be ready to 
strike when the hour comes! 

Thus the host and the guest conversed together 
till the moon rode high in heaven, when they part- 
ed, each with more cheerful hopes of the final tri- 
umph of Freedom and Justice. 



VIII. 

THE CONGRESS OF REPUBLICS. 

The Slaveholders wish to render 

they extend the area of Freedom. 

Two colonial States of America, subject to a great 
nation bej^ond the Atlantic, revolted from their 
mother country, and waging a vigorous war, at- 
tained their independence, and became free. But 
the mother country harrassed them, and keeping a 
depot of ships-of-war in the ports of an island near 
to their coasts, she constantly sent them on errands 
of mischief against the revolted colonies. These 
States therefore resolved to make a conquest of this 
Island, that there might be no harbor of refuge for 
predatory vessels near them. Now the Island was 
large and populous, disaffected, like the revolted 
States, to their common mother, and was crowded 
with slaves, which a part of the population held in 
the severest bondage. The rebel States sent dele- 
gates to a Congress on an isthmus joining the main 
portions of the American Continent, who were to 
devise plans to render their contemplated invasion 
successful, and to agree upon the terms on which 
their respective contributions to it were to be 

furnished. 

(35) 



36 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Then the great North American, Anglo-Saxon, 
white and black, Slave-Republican Union, became 
very much concerned, and sent deputies also to the 
Congress. And the Secretary of the Union gave 
them a letter of instructions, which ran in the fol- 
lowing words: 

You are to represent to the new Republics, that 
our nation was once a colony which rebelled like 
themselves against the home government, and after 
a seven year's war attained its liberty, and became 
a power on earth. That, therefore, we cherish the 
deepest sympathy with all rebel peoples, and are 
ready, wherever we can do it with safety to our- 
selves, to extend the area of freedom, and loose the 
chains of the oppressed the world over. That the 
foreign policy of the Union has been distinguished 
by nothing so much as by the zeal with which she 
has scrutinized all corners of creation, in search of 
opportunities to smite the oppressor, and make her- 
self respected as the champion of universal free- 
dom. That she, therefore, feels a strong desire to 
aid the new Republics in establishing their inde- 
pendence on a secure foundation, and letting them 
share with herself in her own unequalled glory. 
But while she is anxious to render this assistance, 
she learns with great concern, that these Republics 
contemplate the invasion of the great Island near 
her coasts, and the emancipation of its slave popu- 
lation! Such an act, you may tell them, the model 
Rf'puhlic does not approve; that she has very good 
rea.sous for not approving it; that she has three 
millions of slaves herself many of them contiguous 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 37 

to the coasts of the Island, who would at once arise 
in insurrection, and, on the plea that resistance to 
tyrants is obedience to God, would commit a whole- 
sale slaughter of their masters; and that the conta- 
gion of the example of the emancipated hosts of 
the Island cannot be tolerated by the Proprietors of 
the model Republic. Tell them that these Proprie- 
tors, in extending the area of freedom, never forget 
their own cherished domestic institution, and that 
they are progressing rapidly in the domestication 
of the People with whom they are allied, in order 
to make the State more thoroughly a model for all 
rebel communities. By these statements you may 
perhaps suggest to them aspirations after a higher 
sort of liberty than that of which they have hitherto 
dreamed. But if they are insensible to the glories 
of such a liberty, tell them that we shall resist all 
invasions of that Island, which are to be connected 
with the emancipation of its slave population, with 
all the power of which we are masters. 

When the deputies of the rebel States had heard 
these menaces from the Proprietors of the Great 
Republic, conscious that by an invasion of the 
Island they should be drawn into a war with her, 
as well as with the mother country, they abandoned 
the project of invasion, and to this day the greater 
part of the population of the Island is in bondage. 



IX. 

THE ORDER OF laNORAMI. 

One cannot be a Knov/-]Nrothing without being subservient to 
the Slave Pov/er. 

When the Slave Power in the Great Republic, by 
their aggressions on liberty, had aroused the Peo- 
ple to a sense of their insecurity, and made them 
restive under their rule, they began to fear that 
they had carried their tyrannical attempts to too 
great a length; and they began to be anxious them- 
selves, lest the People should become too conscious 
of their proceedings, and should, in a moment of 
great excitement, rise against them, and overthrow 
Slavery with a single stroke. Therefore, wise ones 
among them, foreseeing this possible result, coun- 
selled with one another how to avert it. And they 
said: The People are becoming awake to our plans 
and are beginning to understand our plots against 
their freedom. They are combining against us, the 
only genuine aristocracy, and a great party is grow- 
ing up, which, unless we take measures in season 
to prevent it, will make Liberty national, as we 
would make Slavery. We have used the name and 
power of Democracy so long to cover our designs, 
that they are beginning to suspect that the 
(38) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 39 

word is a mere synonym for hypocris}^ and decep- 
tion. We must bestir ourselves and create a new- 
party among them, to divert their attention 
from the great issue of Slavery or Freedom, and 
then when we have divided them among them- 
selves, we will slip in, and legislate them all into 
Slavery, when they are least aware of it. Now 
there are a great many among them who have a 
very great and very foolish horror of aliens, and 
we will avail ourselves of this prejudice to create 
a secret society, which shall enlist among its mem- 
bers multitudes of their number, and arouse their 
hostility against these aliens, and turn their atten- 
tion from us and our doings. We will call this 
society the Order of Ignorami. The name will 
be very attractive, for he who assumes it will se- 
cretly flatter himself that every one will recognize 
the bearer of the name as the possessor of some se- 
cret knowledge, which it would be very desirable 
to attain. But the name will really be an open 
secret to us, indicating that the poor fool who bears 
it is ignorantly a mere tool for us to use in our dirty 
work. There will be another advantage in the 
creation of such a society, beside setting the People 
at variance and diverting their attention from the 
issue of Slavery. The aliens who come to our 
country strengthen the People against us and our 
institution. They bring with them a love of a 
higher liberty than we can tolerate, whatever 
forms of despotism they may cherish; and they add 
overwhelming numbers to the ranks of the People. 
Hitherto we have blinded them to our proceedings 



40 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

by the cry of Democracy; but now that that is be- 
coming somewhat stale, we must cultivate the 
prejudices against them of our narrow-minded 
natives. 

In organizing this new party we must mix in 
the organization just a sufficient number of Slave- 
hoklers to manage it, and direct it to our purposes, 
in case political contingencies should make it pow- 
erful; and if ever it should nominate candidates for 
the two highest offices in the nation, we should 
take care that one of them be a Doughface and the 
other a Slaveholder. 

Thus the Slaveholders counselled; and after ma- 
ture deliberation the Order of Ignorami burst into 
liglit, a master-piece of Slaveholders' cunning, offi- 
cered by men of their own class, and mustering in 
its ranks the most unleavened of the Doughfaces. 






■fei^H^^- 




i 



i 



% 




5 vty 



THE DANCtEROUS WOMAN 






X 






ri^^ 



i^^m^^^=^ 






X. 

THE DANGEROUS WOMAN. 

Even a Woman who teaches Slaves to read^ is a terror to 
their Masters. 

In one of the slave states of the Great Republic, 
a woman of gentle heart and humble aspirations, 
followed the avocation of a teacher. She had left 
her home among the green hills of the colder North 
to earn an honest livelihood in a sunnier kind. 
Disposed to do good to all as opportunity offered, 
she was particularly delighted in aiding the truly 
need}^, and in imparting instruction to such as were 
unable to instruct themselves. And in the country 
of her adoption she found abundant occasion for 
the manifestation of her benevolence, for she was 
surrounded by slaves to whom the law closed the 
avenues of knowledge. In her innocent simplicity 
she took compassion on many of these, gathered 
them together and instructed them in the mysteries 
of reading and writing. Her proceedings becoming 
known to the Slaveholders of the vicinity, their 
indignation was greatly roused, and they seized 
the defenseless woman and brought her to trial for 
the crime. And the evidence of witnesses being 

produced against her, and her own admissions, her 

(43) 



44 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

guilt was clearly proved, and the judge proceeded 
to pronounce sentence in the following words: 

Woman, you are charged with the great crime 
of teaching slaves to read and write, and from the 
evidence adduced the charge is most clearly proved, 
and it becomes my painful duty to pronounce upon 
you the sentence of the law. It is rarely that an 
offense of so grave a character is brought before 
this Court. Homicide, theft, and arson are crimes 
with which we are familiar, but the teaching ot 
slaves to read is a crime the rarity of which is 
equalled only by its enormity. The passions from 
which such a crime could proceed are almost un- 
known to the southern heart. The tree of knowl- 
edge does not grow on slave soil, and we are 
strangers to its fruit. We think but fair to presume 
that ignorance of the true genius and spirit of 
southern institutions, must have betrayed you into 
this crime, and as the Court wishes your amend- 
ment, rather than your ruin, we will state for your 
future profit the principles and grounds of these 
institutions. 

They are free -par excellence. They aim at the 
conservation of the choicest and most precious sort 
of liberty — that of oppressing the weak. This liberty 
is enjoyed by a select class of whites, who consti- 
tute the oppressors. The residue of the whites and 
all blacks, are the oppressed. As this species ot 
liberty can only be perpetuated by keeping knowl- 
edge from these two classes, the law, which in the 
South is made by the oppressing class, guards with 
great jealousy all the avenues of knowledge against 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 45 

the invasion of the slaves and the non-slaveholding 
whites. It is plain to see why this should be done. 
With the diffusion of knowledge would come inqui- 
ry into the justice of our social relations, and with 
this inquiry there would arise great dissatisfaction 
with their condition in the minds both of slaves and 
non-slaveholders. For first the slaves would begin 
to imagine that all men are created equal, that 
they have as just a right to life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness as their masters, and that they 
are entitled to wages for their labor. But if our 
four millions of slaves were once possessed of these 
ideas, you j'ourself perceive that it would be very 
difficult for us to maintain our authority. The dis- 
semination of such sentiments among them would 
create universal disturbance, and very dangerous 
excitement. Must we not, therefore, suppress 
them? Certainly. You see, therefore, no free 
presses, no free teaching, no free speech in the 
South; for these forms of freedom are incompatible 
with the liberty of oppressing others — which is 
southern liberty. But we exclude free presses and 
free speech from our borders not less to prevent 
excitement among our slaves, than among our non- 
slaveholding whites. For the slave institution not 
only muzzles the mouths of these whites, but de- 
grades and impoverishes them. They feel the 
degradation and poverty, but they do not see the 
connection between these evils and the slavery; nor 
do we intend that they shall see them. And we 
therefore sedulously keep knowledge and freedom 
of speech from their reach, as from the slave. Even 



4G LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

the Gospel we expurgate of all sentiments favor- 
able to liberty, before we suffer it to be preached, 
and thus we think we have the institution invincibly- 
fortified. 

You understand, then, the reasons why we pro- 
hibit the teaching of slaves to read and write. We 
stand in great terror of the spread of knowledge. 
For the maintenance of our own liberties, and 
indeed of our own safety, absolutely demands a 
wide-spread and nearly universal ignorance. 

It is not often, madam, that a judge in the South, 
sitting in open Court, ventures thus frankly to set 
forth the grounds and reasons of southern institu- 
tions. While we love our peculiar liberty, we feel 
a delicacy in openly avowing the policy we are 
obliged to pursue to maintain it. W^e would far 
rather dilate, on occasions like this, upon the manly 
grace and chivalrous features of the southern char- 
acter. But when one is put on trial for the crime 
of teaching slaves to read, even though the person 
be a woman, southern courts are wont to forget all 
considerations of chivalry, and rush at once to the 
rescue ; for even a woman is a terror to us when 
she teaches slaves to read! 

The Court feels bound, madam, to visit upon you 
the utmost rigor of the law. You are sentenced 
to one year's imprisonment, where you are to be 
kept at hard labor. 

When this sentence was heard, a murmur ol 
general satisfaction pervaded the court-room. So 
the defenseless woman went to prison, and expiated 
her crime by a year's imprisonment. 



XI. 

THE HAPPY CANDIDATES, 

fleajant is the Union between Doughface and Slaveholder, 
v/hen the People are to be cheated. 

When the time came for the nomination of can- 
didates for the Presidency, the Order of Ignorami 
selected, as had been before determined, a Dough- 
face for President, and a Slaveholder for Vice-Pres- 
ident. For as slaveholders were growing odious 
in the nation, the proprietors of the Order consid- 
ered it politic to do the work of Slavery by putting 
forward a Doughface for the higher office. Being 
very suspicious of the free North, they naturally 
supposed the People to be suspicious of them; — 
fearing the People, they thought they were them- 
selves distrusted. 

Now accident brought the two candidates together 
after their nomination, and they improved the oc- 
casion to congratulate each other on their good 
fortune, and confer on the policy they should pursue, 
if elected. 

Said the Doughface : After the signing of that 
Fugitive Slave Bill, I thought my prospects of 
nomination to the Presidency were very bad indeed. 
I had gone down as low in subserviency to your 

(47) 



48 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

class as I could. Not that I would not have gone 
lower, if I had seen any advantage likely to arise 
from such action. But the People were becoming 
alarmed, and indignant at the existence of such a 
law, and I feared that even the Slave Power would 
not dare to put me forward as a candidate again. 
I notice that a public man must not do too little for 
your class, for then you distrust him; nor too much, 
for then you are fearful of his popularity in the 
North, and so reject him on the score of availabil- 
ity. You gentlemen of the South are a very ex- 
acting set to labor for. It requires a very nice 
combination of meanness, audacity, and cunning, 
to hold the first place in your favor, and thus stand 
fair for the Presidency. The present occupant of 
that office, it seems to me, possesses the first two 
qualities in perfection, but rather fails in the third. 
I flatter myself that, while the first two are no less 
pronounced in me, the third is in my composition 
more nearly on a par with the other two, than in 
him. I think I am a more natural candidate for 
the Presidency than he, in the present temper of 
the public mind. It is by my specific gravity, so 
to speak, in these three qualities, that I have risen 
like a soap-bubble, in the guise of an Ignoramus, 
to the very outermost surface of popularity. No 
pufT-ball ever rode on an agitated horse-pond more 
triumphantly, than I shall bound over the waves of 
the political caldron during the present canvass. 
So much does a man owe to intrinsic worthlessness 
for his success as an Ignoramus. And after all, 
I am somewhat amazed to find myself a candidate 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 49 

for that high office. At times, I half suspect that I 
may have been of some advantage to the People, 
and that therefore I am nominated. But when I 
think of the Fugitive Slave Act, I know that my 
usefulness never secured me this great honor. 

No, said the Slaveholder, it was not because you 
are any friend to the People that you are a candi- 
date. The man that could sign the Fugitive Slave 
Bill, is our friend, not the People's. It was those 
three qualities of which you spoke, made so con- 
spicuous and so illustrious by the signing of that 
Bill, which stamped you as ours. The man who, 
born in the North, can come forward voluntarily to 
aid us in humbling the People, and riveting still 
more closely the chains of our slaves, is the man 
whom we delight to honor. To honor, I say, that 
is, to give him office and money. You were nom- 
inated by us to be used. And if you are willing to 
be used, you shall have office and money while 
you live. As to your reputation, after you are 
dead, we Slaveholders cannot promise you much 
that is valuable. But possessing the three qualities 
of which you spoke, you probably care little about 
that. What do you propose to do if elected? 

Of course, said the Doughface, I shall do all that 
in me lies to perpetuate the thrall of the Slave 
Power. I do not see how an "^Ignoramus can do 
any thing else. I should like to try my hand at a 
compromise, but the present incumbent of the pres- 
idential office has so nearly spoiled that business, 
that I think nothing more can be done at it. The 
establishing of Slavery in the free States, seems 



50 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES: 

to me the only open field in which laurels are now 
to be won by a President. The extending of areas 
of Freedom southward may perhaps give me a 
little occupation. But if I were only President 
again, I am sure I could hit upon something quite 
as ingenious as the annulling of the old Com- 
promise. 

That you would find hard to excel, said the 
Slaveholder. But you need have no concern. We 
will find you plenty to do. Only be subservient, 
and consent to be used, and we will pay you in 
such kind of coin as you can appreciate. 

As to myself, being the owner of a hundred 
slaves, though you may occupy the higher office, I 
shall naturally wish to lead, and be the real Presi- 
dent. You would consent to that ? 

Of course, said the Doughface. 

Then we shall have a very harmonious adminis- 
tration, said the Slaveholder. You occupying the 
Presidency, and I taking the precedency, all things 
will go on smoothly. 

That it will, said the Doughface; and ma}'- we be 
elected ! 

There is little doubt of our success, said the 
Slaveholder. You know that I wear the skin of a 
dead lion. 

I know it, said the Doughface. But can you not 
manage to stretch it so far over me, as to cover one 
of my ears? 

Not well, answered the Slaveholder. By so doing 
I might expose one of my own; and you know the 
People do not need to see both ears of an animal 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 51 

to tell what it is. I will, however, lend it to you 
occasionally, if you will not attempt to roar. I 
wish to do all the roaring myself. 

To this the Doughface consented, and after agree- 
ing upon a time to make trial of the lion's skin, 
they parted in good spirits. 



XII. 

THE TRIAL OF THE LION'S SKIN. 

The reputation of a Dead Hero cannot well be made to cover 
two candidates for office. 

The Order of Ignorami nominated a Doughface 
and a Slaveholder to fill the two highest offices in 
the land of the free. Now the Slaveholder owned the 
skin of a Lion, which he intended to wear during 
the canvass for these offices, in order to gain favor 
with the People. For when the Lion lived the 
People had made a great pet of him. But as the 
Doughface had no lion's skin, it w^as agreed be- 
tween the candidates that they should wear it 
by turns. So they came together to try it on, and 
see how it could be made to fit both. And going 
into a private place apart from all spectators, the 
Doughface took the Slaveholder, and put his legs 
through the skin of the hinder legs of the Lion, and 
his arms through the skin of the fore legs, and en- 
veloped his head in the bristling mane, and so com- 
pletely concealed him that not a hair stuck out. 
But when the Slaveholder was arrayed in it, he 
began walk to and fro in the room, and his satis- 
faction was very great. 

This, said he, seems to be a very good fit. I 
never felt so much like a lion before — I think I am 






-'t-^^}^^^' 



! 




(t 



THE TRIAL OF THE LION'S SKIN 




^ 



?s. 



■S=^50JS^- 



■6^^=^ 




LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 55 

a lion. What will be the astonishment of the 
People when I come out in this dress ? They will 
think it their old favorite Lion, or at least one of 
his whelps — won't they ? Do my ears stick out ? 
Look and see ; for an exposure of those organs 
might ruin both our prospects. 

Your ears are entirely hidden, said the Dough- 
face. But would it not be well to get down upon 
all-fours ? Lions do not walk about, you know, on 
two legs. 

Of course I shall do so when I appear in public, 
said the Slaveholder. I was just walking about 
here in private on two legs, because it is natural, 
and then I wished to see myself You need not 
tell me how lions go — I have seen lions. Does 
this mane look fierce ? 

Very fierce, said the Doughface. 

Well; then I am satisfied, completely satisfied, 
said the Slaveholder. Ever since the old Lion died, 
I have had it in my mind to put it on, if I should 
ever be nominated to a great office. I would not 
venture before the People in my own natural skin 
for any consideration. It is only lately, however, 
that 1 have thought it could be used by both of us. 
Come, let me put it on you. 

So saying he stripped it off" himself and began 
fitting it to the Doughface. And he got the Dougli- 
face's arms and legs through the proper parts of 
the lion's skin without difficulty. But when he 
came to the head, he found it utterly impossible to 
confine the ears under it; for so often as one was 
closely shut in, the other flew out, and after re- 



56 LEAVEN FOR DOUGIirACES. 

peated efforts to conceal them, the Slaveholder was 
obliged to abandon the undertaking in despair. 

This is very discouraging, said the Doughface. 
I had no idea that my ears are so excessively large. 

They are large, said the Slaveholder. I see no 
help for you except to cut them off. Then this 
tail hangs far to one side. Are you Doughfaces 
all so mis-shapen ? 

Mis-shapen or not, answered the other, we are 
as God made us. 

As God made you ! said the Slaveholder. You 
look more like the handiwork of the Evil One, 
Shall I clip your ears a bit? 

If it must come to that, said the Doughface, I 
give up all hopes of using the lion's skin at all. In 
fact, I think I'll resign. I am greatly disheartened. 
The omens look bad for me, and if I run as a can- 
didate, I can only play into another's hands. The 
Ignorami are disbanding, and under the circum- 
stances, I think I must leave you to run alone. 
However, 1 will consider of the matter, and if there 
is any prospect of doing the People an injury, I will 
consent to continue a candidate ; otherwise, not. 
You may take off the skin. 

If you should resign, said the Slaveholder, I 
might possibly take your place as nominee, but 
at all events, I shall not surrender so long as 
Doughfaces can be found to work with me. 

So saying, he took the lion's skin off his com- 
panion, and rolling it under his arm walked proudly 
away. 



XIII, 

THE CHRISTIAN SLAVE. 

Good Cliristians sell better than any other class of Slaves in 
the South. 

A SLAVE-DEALER visited a plantation to make an 
examination of the human cattle kept on it, to see 
if any would sell well in a more southern market. 
He lived by the profits of his sales ; purchasing at 
low prices, and selling at greater, and made it, 
therefore, a rule to select the best samples for his 
distant market, for on these he made his greatest 
profits. 

So the owner took him among the cabins, and 
brought out his slaves for examination. And the 
dealer looking over the lot was much pleased with 
one man of majestic figure, and round sleek limbs, 
the picture of physical health and strength. Look- 
ing at him for some time in silent admiration, the 
dealer finally inquired his name and price. 

Then said the Slaveholder : On account of his 
manly appearance we call him George Washington, 
and on account of his meekness and docility, he 
cannot be sold for a sum less than two thousand 
dollars. 

A great price to ask, said the dealer. 

^57) 



58 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

That is true, replied the Slaveholder. But he is 
a Christian slave. It is only yesterday that we par- 
took of the sacrament together. And when I was 
partaking of the cup, casting my eye upon him, I 
thought it a great sin to part with him for less 
than two thousand. I have owned a great many 
slaves in my time, and have dealt with all sorts of 
characters in the capacity of a master. And let 
me assure you, that of all qualities in a slave, the 
Christian graces of humility and patience are the 
most desirable. He that can bear scourging, and 
branding, and partial starvation, which are essentials 
of the slave's condition, with Christian resignation, 
is the man for the plantation. We can get more 
labor, more cotton, more sugar, more money, out 
of such a one, than a half-dozen of the ordinary 
class. I love the Gospel for what it has done for 
my own soul ; but shall I say, that I value it still 
more for its economic worth, in adding to the an- 
nual profits of our plantations ? Give me the Chris- 
tian slave, if I am to get the greatest possible crops 
at the least possible expense. They will bear 
lower feeding, and more scourging, without loss of 
strength, than any other class. And when this fact 
becomes generally known, we may anticipate a 
great triumph of the Gospel in the South. 

I know, said the dealer, the value of Christian 
slaves, as well as you can. I make my best profits 
on them. If a slave prays and sings psalms, and 
is resigned to his lot, he will bring more money 
than one that does not. The piety enters as an 
element into his marketable value. And it seems 



LEAVEN rOR DOUGHFACES. 59 

to me that religion might well be encom'aged on 
every plantation, if it can be done without putting 
the Bible into the very hands of the slave. 

We can cultivate piety in them without any such 
hazardous expedients, said the Slaveholder. But 
what do you say to the boy ? will you take him ? 

On the whole, said the dealer, as he is a Christian, 
that and his good appearance, and finally his name, 
determine me to the purchase. 

So a sale was agreed upon, and the slave was 
delivered over to the dealer, to whom as he depart- 
ed, the Slaveholder said: Let the boy partake of 
the sacrament occasionally, for that will keep him 
in good heart. 



XIV. 3^ 

THE STRONa ASS. 
The North is a strong Ass bowing between two Burdens. 

A COMPANY of Slaveholders being together at a 
convivial party, their conversation turned on the 
question whether the People could govern them- 
selves. A part of the company strongly maintained 
that they could, because all the tendencies of 
human nature were toward Liberty and a true 
Universal Brotherhood, which the expansion of in- 
telligence and natural benevolence must in time 
bring to pass. But the majority asserted that the 
instant large masses were combined in one political 
organization, there were developed powers of gov- 
ernment which only the few could manage. The 
proposing of laws, for example, said one, must be 
done by a few, for multitudes cannot unite in sug- 
gesting the enacting of a specific law. Give me, 
said he, the initiation of laws, and I will manage 
to control any people. For it is an easy matter, 
during the lapse of generations, by proposing laws 
which apparently favor liberty, so to link one bad 
law with another, as to make their united action 
entirely subversive of it. To what do we Slave- 
(GO) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 61 

holders owe our power to-day? Do we not govern 
this nation as we will ? And why ? Because oui 
fathers made a compact with the representatives 
of the free states ostensibly to establish Justice and 
Liberty, but in the compact itself cunningly laid 
the foundation for an edifice of Slavery which 
should overshadow the whole land. For they forced 
into the compact this provision, that three Slave- 
holders should have as much power in the govern- 
ment as five Non-slaveholders. This was the germ 
of our present strength. Then the representatives 
of the free states allowed us to augment the num- 
ber of our slaves for twenty years by importation, 
and bound the non-slaveholding People to deliver 
up to us our fugitives. As a pretended equivalent 
we agreed to pay direct taxes to support the gov- 
ernment. What a compact ! Our fathers said to 
the People, we will enter a Union with you if you 
will give us the control of yourselves ; and in return 
we will bear a part of the expense of governing 
you! Was not that a magnificent ofi'er? To be 
sure the People never thoroughly understood it. 
But the mischief of the matter is, they never can 
understand the bearing and ultimate issues of the 
laws their representatives enact. Witness the 
course of the national legislation for the last sixty 
years. Have not the People borne the heavy ex- 
penses of two wars entered into, and carried 
through, mainly to perpetuate our power? Have 
we not added to the Territory of the Union by war 
and purchase an area nearly equal to that of the 
original colonies, in order that we might manu- 



62 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

facture slave states? Do the People to this day, 
however, know what we have been doing? Not at 
all. We have divided them among themselves, 
and created parties among them, all of which 
fear each other's political success more than ours. 
Of course we govern the People through them 
and their devilish demagogues. 

Nothing exhibits the stupidity of the People in a 
stronger light, than their blind adhesion to the name 
of democracy. Our successes are achieved under 
that name, laughable as it may seem. For we 
have got the name, with all the power devotion to 
it ensures, to mean nothing more than fidelity to 
Slavery. And so strong is the infatuation of the 
North for the shadow without the substance, that if 
we were to propose a law that every white man in 
the country, destitute of a hundred dollars worth 
of property, should be sold as " a bondman forever" 
to the highest bidder, and offer it as a democratic 
measure, it would be received with a shout by their 
non-slaveholding voters. Miserable wretches that 
they are ! Prating of democracy and equal rights, 
yet ready to run in crowds to lick up the dust at 
our feet! Stupid dolts ! who pour out their blood 
and treasure for us in war, who add constantly to 
the area of Slavery, and chase negro slaves with 
alacrity, who can expect that their eyes will ever 
be opened? They neither see nor feel whither they 
are drifting; or if they see, they are too obstinately 
devoted to their party-leaders to do otherwise than 
they are bid. However, loaded down as they are, 
they have as much as they can bear, and the 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 63 

device on their banner should be a strong ass bow • 
ing between two burdens. 

And what should the burdens be? said another 
of the company. What, indeed, replied the first 
speaker but that Slavery with which we load them, 
and the Democracy which their doughfaces saddle 
on them ? 



XV. 

THE SLAVEHOLDER ENSLAVED. 

It is right for a Slave to run away from his Master. 

A Slaveholder possessed a docile and obedient 
bondman, whom he made steward of his household, 
and whom he held in such high confidence as to 
entrust him at times with the keys of his strong box. 
The slave lived in plenty, and needed nothing to 
his physical well-being and comfort. But he still 
longed for his freedom, for he aspired to higher 
things than bodily ease and enjoyment. And he 
often petitioned his master for this great and price- 
less boon. But as often as he asked it the master 
took advantage of his ignorance and his sense of 
religious duty, to prove to him, out of Scripture, 
his obligation to be a slave. And the master 
would also endeavor to persuade him that freedom 
was not a natural right, but a privilege conceded 
to a few by the laws of civil society. Unable to 
answer his master's arguments, the slave submitted 
to his condition as to the command of God, thinking 
it indeed to be the Divine will. 

Now it chanced that the master resolved on a 
journey in foreign lands; and, that he might pass 
the time more pleasantly, and cast the burdens of 
travel on another, he took with him his faithful 
bondman, and went to sea. They had not been 
(64) 




^?^s:3^ 



■fe^^R^vrf" 



S< 









^ 




'They ran away together.'' Par. XV, 



\ 






■£=2^g^^. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 67 

many days on their voyage before they were cap- 
tured by pirates, and carried captives to a hot and 
sickly land, where both master and slave were sold 
into slavery together, and both fell to the same pur- 
chaser. Tasks of intolerable severity were laid 
upon them, and for slight offenses terrible scourg- 
ings were inflicted upon both by the same lash. 
These sufferings gendered in the mind of the mas- 
ker more profound meditations on Slavery than had 
ever before entered his mind, and produced inward 
comments on Scripture that were entirely hetero- 
dox in his native country. Thus, as he sat one 
evening supping on crusts of stale bread, moist- 
ened with filthy water, he requested of his former 
bondman to beg of their new lord freedom for 
both. 

That I do, said the slave. But though our lord 
is a Mohammedan, he is well versed in Moses and 
the Christian Scriptures, and whenever I broach 
the subject, he says to me : Servants, obey your 
masters — and cites the case of Onesimus, and tells 
me that so long as I continue a Christian he shall 
hold me a slave, but if I choose to confess Moham- 
medanism he would be bound by his religion to set 
me free. I am not inclined to acknowledge the 
Prophet, and you long since proved to me that 
Christianity recognises and sustains Slavery. 

So J. thought, said the master, till 1 tasted Slavery 
for myself. But now I recollect that Jesus enjoined 
upon his followers first of all to love one another y 
and then all mankind as brethren. Even Paul re- 
commended the master of Onesimus to receive 
him back as a brother beloved. Now when one man 



68 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

treats another as a brother beloved, he cannot al- 
low that brother to be considered as property. And 
though Paul said: Servants obey your masters — I 
appeal from Paul drowsy, to Paul awake, ordering 
the master to receive Onesimus as a brother be- 
loved. Tell him this, if he will argue the matter 
with you. But if he will not hear to reason, let us 
escape from his power. 

But is it right, said the bondman, for a slave to 
run away from his master? 

It is not only right, said the master, for a slave to 
run away from his master, hut it is wrong for any one 
to oppose his escape. Now that I am a slave myself, 
I perceive this to be a self-evident truth, which no 
argument can make clearer, and nothing but soph- 
isms can obscure. 

Hearing this reasoning the bondman's scruples 
were removed, and, watching their opportunity, 
master and slave ran away together; and, coming to 
the sea-coast, a ship picked them up and brought 
them to their own land. 

And now the emancipated Slaveholder, taught a 
lesson by experience, freed all whom he held in 
bondage, and paid back-wages to as many as would 
receive them. For, said he, all men have a title 
to the possession of their own bodies, and the 
workman is worthy of his hire. But the bondman 
witli whom he himself had suffered Slavery never 
left him, for now Onesimus had, indeed, been re- 
ceived back as a brother. And when the Slave- 
holder died, he remembered his great act of justice, 
and passed away in quiet joy. 



XVI. 

THE LYIXa SLAVE. 

If Slaves are Liars^ their Masters make them so. 

A STRANGER journeyed from the North and took up 
a temporary residence in the family of a Slaveholder. 
Here he devoted himself to the instruction of his 
host's children, and having an inclination to the 
careful study of whatever came under his observa- 
tion, he gave particular attention to the manners 
and habits of the slaves, as well as the subjects of 
his teaching. For he had learned to consider noth- 
ing which concerned the welfare of man as discon- 
nected from his own. Among the facts which he 
observed was this, that when the slaves received 
their weekly allowance of provisions, a scanty sup- 
ply w^as too often doled out to them. And this was 
so frequently repeated, that he became certain that 
the slaves must make up the deficiency by their 
own wits, and at the master's expense. It chanced 
that walking late in the evening over the w^ooded 
portion of the plantation upon which he resided, he 
came upon two of them who w^ere in the act of 
dressing one of the fattest of the master's porkers. 
Approaching within ear-shot, he learned from their 
conversation that they had stolen the animal, and 

(69) 



70 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

that they were devising how to conceal the theft. 
He quietly withdrew, and determined to note the 
result if a discovery of the theft should occur. 

Not long after this he was surprised to see the 
thieves and a dozen others, drawn up before the 
master to be questioned about the missing animal. 
And as the question went round, as to each one's 
knowledge of its whereabouts, all stoutly main- 
tained their ignorance. But the master, certain 
that some among them had stolen it, took all and 
scourged them severely; for he thought it better al- 
ways when many slaves stand under a common 
suspicion of guilt, to punish the innocent with the 
guilty, rather than suffer the guilty to escape. 

A few days after the scourging, the stranger pri- 
vately informing the two slaves that he had knowl- 
edge of their theft, inquired why they had not 
manfully confessed it. 

Then one of them answered : We act always 
from fear. Through fear alone does our master 
keep us in subjection. And knowing that this fear 
is the only motive through which he can compel us 
to do his will, he constantly distrusts our sincerity 
in his service. But this distrust in him continually 
begets in us that of which he suspects us — deception. 
We constantly endeavor to shirk the labor he puts 
upon us, while we pretend to be diligent, because 
we have no motive to work for him but fear. Thus 
incessantly acting a lie, how can we do otherwise 
than speak lies, when we think our occasions de- 
mand them. When you, O stranger, shall act for 
your fellow-man only from fear and coercion, then 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 71 

will you know what it is to be, indeed, mean, base, 
and miserable — and an habitual liar. We are liars 
because we are slaves; and we shall continue to be 
liars so long as we are thus degraded. But the 
master who makes the slave, makes the liar. Set 
us free, and we shall learn to love the truth, act it, 
and speak it. For as Slavery genders falsehood, 
so does Freedom beget truthfulness. 

Then replied the stranger: Sad is your fate, in- 
deed. It is new to me that Slavery makes men 
liars. But it is so; and the last man to complain 
of the lies of a slave, should be his master. 



XVIT. 

FEEE TRADE. 

Slaveholders desire to cripple the Growth of the People. 

In a country where Slaveholders rule the People, 
the latter, favored by an excellent climate, and a 
noble domain which abounded in minerals, and was 
traversed by noble rivers, established the manufac- 
ture of cloths and iron, and cultivated such arts as 
were needful to their happiness. Magazines of 
innumerable commodities, and enormous engines 
lending strength to the arms of industry, abounded 
in the home of the People. Labor was honorable, 
and Poverty, with his lean and sallow face, began 
to be unknown among them. 

The Slaveholders, amazed at their growth, en- 
deavored to wring from the sinews of their bond- 
men, resources as great, and an equally varied 
abundance. But the skill was wanting, because 
the bondmen had no motive for exertion, and in 
lieu of the cultivation of all arts, and the production 
of every variety of commodities, their industry took 
one channel, and was engrossed by a single avoca- 
tion. They tilled the soil, and did nothing beside, 
while the overseer's lash was the cause of all their 
wealth. 
(72) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACEB. 73 

Mortified at their own weakness, and constantly 
irritated by the sight of the People^s prosperity, 
they tried violent expedients to prevent their 
growth. They first shut up the ships of the Peo- 
ple in their own ports for a long period, hoping 
that when commerce was prostrated, their great 
strength would decline. They next plunged them 
into a three years' war. But, as in process of 
time, the People recovered from this misfortune, 
they began to devise expedients to accomplish the 
destruction of their prosperity, in a way which 
should be slower, but more sure. 

And they said among themselves: 

We shall never be able to keep the People in 
subjection, nor effectually cripple their strength, so 
long as they are allowed to maintain such a diver- 
sified industry. For, the multiplication, of avoca- 
tions furnishes so many incentives to exertion, and 
so increases opportunities for hireling labor to dic- 
tate its own terms, that the masses will escape from 
our control in spite of all we can do. There is but 
one way to keep them down. We must abridge the 
number of their avocations, and branches of industiy. 
If we reduce the greater part of them to the tilling 
of the soil, and as many as possible of the residue 
to be mere carriers and transport agents, we shall 
achieve our object. For if the mass of the People 
become agriculturalists like ourselves, as our labor- 
ers work for nothing, and their suv'port costs next to 
nothing, we can easily subject the free agricultural- 
ists to our power, by underselling them, and thus 
diminish their number as freemen, by converting 
7 



7-1 LEAVEN FOR DOUGnFACES. 

tliem into a tenantry, which, for our purposes, is al- 
most as favorable for us as if they were slaves. 
For free homesteads are the strength of the Peo- 
ple; and if we make it impossible for any but large 
land-holders to live comfortably by agriculture, the 
masses will cease to be freeholders. And we must 
abridge the number of branches of industry for this 
simple reason: as in civilized life every freeman is 
obliged to produce more of one kind of commodities, 
and less of all others, than he needs, the greater we 
can make the majority of laborers producing one 
kind of commodity over those producing all others, 
the less valuable will be each man's labor engaged 
in producing that commodity. Thus, if we force 
the mass of society into one avocation, the poorer 
w^e shall make them, and the more dependent on 
master-capitalists. We have, then, but to limit the 
number of avocations among which the choice of 
employment is to be made, and the more will that 
branch of industry which requires the least skill — 
agriculture — be over-crowded, and a general state 
of dependence among those engaged in it, like that 
on our plantations, prevail. 

Our policy, then, should be to persuade the Peo- 
ple to buy, where they can do so most cheaply, at 
money prices. To this end, we must induce them 
to purchase all the necessaries of life, except food 
and fuel, at the farthest possible distance from 
home. This will extinguish most of the arts and 
manufactures which require skill, and over-crowd 
agriculture and the transit avocations. By this 
policy we can, in time, make the greater part of the 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 75 

People a tenantry, tilling no land of their own, or 
hirelings without family or home, and then they 
will be, in fact, slaves. 

Thus the Slaveholders planned, and thus they 
persuaded the People to act — who, thenceforward, 
like a blind Samson shorn of his strength, staggered 
on toward poverty and despotism. 



XVIII. 

THE DANGEROUS MAN. 

In half tho Union it is nnsafe for a Freeman to avow Senti- 
ments hostile to Slavery. 

A NoN-SLAvciioLDER, ill tlic Great Republic, jour- 
neyed into the far South, to spend the winter, and 
ply the trade of a carpenter. Skilful in his calling, 
he readily found employment, and gained much 
favor with the villagers among whom he resided, 
both for his skill's sake and because of his com- 
panionable qualities. But the villagers, being 
great devotees of democracy, were naturally zeal- 
ous for the perpetuity and extension of Slavery, 
and watched with suspicion the conduct of such as 
came among them from that section of the Repub- 
lic where the blessings of that divine institution 
were unknown. And certain of them inquiring of 
the northern freeman whether he believed it lawful 
for one man to hold another in bondage, and 
whether the citizens of a free state were not mor- 
ally bound to capture and return to the master his 
fugitive slave, he promptly answered that man 
could not rightfully hold property in man, neither 
could a freeman return a fugitive to bondage, if 
he regarded the higher law. When it was noised 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 77 

abroad in the village that the carpenter held such 
sentiments, the rumor caused a great commotion, 
and the prudent citizens called a public meeting 
to take into consideration the proper means of de- 
fense against a peril so great as the presence 
among them of dangerous sentiments. And when 
the meeting was convened, a democratic Slave- 
holder arose and spoke as follows: 

Fellow Citizens: If I were to inform you that a 
barrel of gun-powder is now beneath the building 
in which we are assembled, and that a slow-match 
already kindled is in contact with it, your horror 
would be beyond expression, and you would either 
rush headlong from the house, or leap at once to 
extinguish the match. Fellow citizens, a greater 
peril is upon us. Lend me your ears while I care- 
fully describe it. It is well known that a northern 
mechanic has been amongst us for some time, ap- 
parently pursuing his calling without a thought of our 
domestic institutions. So industrious and steady 
has he been, as to gain the confidence of many of 
our citizens. But a few of us, suspecting that the 
latitude in which he was born was not so favorable 
to the growth of rational political ideas and pure 
democracy as the sunny South, resolved to sound 
him as to his opinions touching human bondage 
We found that he had been secretly thinking of our 
domestic institutions; and we even made him avow 
that he considered Slavery immoral, and that he 
held the recent Fugitive Slave Law not to be bind- 
ing on a freeman's conscience! These opinions are 
in the highest degree dangerous to us, and our 



78 LEAVEN FOR DOUQHFACEo. 

system of society cannot tolerate the presence of 
men who entertain them. 

No one, fellow citizens, believes more sincerely 
than myself in freedom of thought and freedom of 
speech, but I believe also that both should be re- 
stricted by a delicate regard to the demands of the 
institution of Slavery. There should be just so 
much freedom of thought and speech tolerated, as 
a chivahic and manly devotion to sound democ- 
racy, and the bondage of the greatest number, will 
allow. But northern men should be carefully 
watched; for, as a general thing, they think and 
speak too freely, though I except from this charge 
the so-called northern democracy, which, so far as 
I have observed, never thinks at all, and always 
acts for us and Slavery. 

I would recommend, fellow citizens, that this 
man, caught, as it were, in the very act of en- 
tertaining dangerous sentiments, be warned, forth- 
with, to leave the town within twenty-four hours, 
under penalty of a coat of tar and feathers. 

This speech was received with a murmur of 
general approbation, and it was resolved that the 
secretary of the meeting be instructed to notify 
the mechanic of the resolution, and warn him in 
a kindly way of his danger. 

The Secretary, therefore, wrote him in these 
words : 

Sir: It has come to the ears of the citizens of 
this place, that you entertain dangerous senti- 
ments, and even go so far as to avow them openly. 
A meeting has just been holden in which your 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 70 

case has been considered. It was proved before 
all present, that you believe human bondage to 
be immoral, and the Fugitive Slave Law of no 
binding obligation! These sentiments the meeting 
recognized to be in the highest degree dangerous, 
and the person holding them they voted, unani- 
mously, unworthy of a residence in this commu- 
nity. We know that by the Constitution, freedom 
of speech and thought is extended to citizens of 
any one State resident temporarily in another, but 
we do not understand that provision of the Con- 
stitution to allow a northern freeman to think 
and speak against Slavery south of Mason and 
Dixon's line. The great privileges guaranteed 
to the North by that instrument are, to support 
the national government, provide offices for Slave- 
holders, pay southern postage, extend the areas 
of freedom southward, and nurse a democracy to 
cherish and perpetuate Slavery. But as you, in 
violation of these constitutional guarantees, have 
foolishly assumed to entertain and avow senti- 
ments hostile to Slavery, it is ordered by the 
meeting, that you leave town within twenty-four 
hours, under penalty of a coat of tar and feathers. 
The meeting allow me to inform you, however, 
that if on returning to your native State, you shall 
commune with j^our fellow citizens who are na- 
tional democrats, imbibe their spirit with all its is- 
sues, and by a becoming servility acquire an hon- 
orable standing in their ranks, your past dangerous 
sentiments shall be forgotten, and you shall be al- 
lowed once more to take up your residence among 



80 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

US, and be admitted to full fellowship with the pro- 
prietors of the Constitution, and the true lords of 
the land. 

When the mechanic had received this gentle 
monition, he quietly packed his tools, and journeyed 
to the north of Mason and Dixon's line, knowing 
that the Constitution of his country could not guar- 
anty freedom of thought and speech in the South. 



XIX. 

THE APOSTLE OF LIBERTY. 

Lying for Slavery is so well done by native Americans; that 
Irish Apostles find it an unprofitable business. 

There arose in Ireland a leader of the people, 
who, thinking them to be grievously oppressed by 
England, endeavored by speech and pen to arouse 
them to a sense of their servile condition. To this 
end, he vehemently proclaimed the praises of lib- 
erty, and presented such glowing pictures of the 
happiness and glory of free nations, that he kindled 
among them an ardent desire for independence. 
For he showed that all men are, by nature, free 
and equal, and that no man has a right to govern 
another against his consent, neither one nation 
another; that man as man has the natural right to 
the control of his person, and every nation, the 
right to self-government. And he often held up 
the example of America to encourage his people 
to separate from England. 

So stirring were his appeals, and so violent his 
denunciations, that the people began to prepare for 
forcible resistance. But the constituted authorities, 

becoming alarmed at his proceedings, and at his 

(81) 



82 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

influence over the ignorant, seized him and put him 
on trial for sedition and treason. And the evidence 
being strong against him, he was condemned, and 
sent as an exile into a savage country far from iiis 
native land. But faithful to his principles, and 
loving freedom too well to remain a prisoner, he 
improved the opportunity which fortune offered him 
and made his escape, for he thought himself justi- 
fied in fleeing from unjust confinement. And after 
his escape he came to America, the land of the free. 
Now in America, more than in any other country, 
is the genuineness of a man's love of liberty se- 
verely tried. For Slaveholders own a sixth of all 
the People as property, and govern a large propor- 
tion of the residue in the name of Democracy, so 
that very few of the white natives dare to consider 
even their souls their own. Into this crucible of 
the love of liberty the Irish Apostle plunged, and 
the fires being hot around him, he soon proved to 
be dross. For now being in a country where small 
men lead the People under the patronage of Slave- 
holders, a certain latent servility and love of popu- 
larity, which had lain dormant while he was in 
Ireland, rose to the surface of his character, and 
became ruling passions. And he became a lying 
editor, and began to play sycophant to the Slave- 
holders. And he recanted his f^iith in the rights of 
man, and advocated only the rights of Slaveholders 
and Irishmen, so that he might become a popular 
leader. But his journal did not flourish, because 
his readers cared little for Irishmen, and the emi- 
grant Irish cared little for him, and the Slavehold- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 83 

ers had more native lying editors than they needed. 
And he fell into great fits of despondency, and 
wished himself back in Ireland, raising rebellion 
again. In one of these fits, a Slaveholder accosted 
him, and asked how he prospered. 

The Apostle of Liberty answered : I fare badly. 
In Ireland I led the people, and did all in my power 
to stir them up against England. For I wished to 
be a popular man if I could be. And knowing no 
better way to do this than by making them dis- 
satisfied with their condition, I sat about praising 
liberty and denouncing oppression. And at that 
time I did really love liberty, and spoke with some 
zeal and sincerity, and my appeals were heard by 
the people, and I should have brought them to open 
rebellion, had not the government seized and sent 
me abroad as an exile. But I escaped and came 
hither, hoping that my reputation as a martyr to 
liberty would secure me a fat office and a great 
deal of glory. But I have in some manner lost 
both the office and the glory. And now I long for 
nothing so much as a plantation in Alabama, and 
a hundred negroes. But how shall I get them? 

Then answered the Slaveholder : Your case is 
hard, and all the harder that your merits are con- 
siderable. You took up a very unprofitable occu- 
pation when you came here. The business of a 
lying editor, especially if he is a defender of our 
domestic institutions, is one that certainly deserves 
the apj)robation of all good men, but it does not 
pay well just now, on account of the number of 
natives engaged in it. Nearly all of our journals 



84 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

which advocate Slavery are conducted by such edi- 
tors. An alien, however great his hypocris}', and 
his capacity to lie, cannot compete with a native 
when defending Slavery. After praising liberty in 
Ireland, you did right to apologize for Slavery here, 
but you can make nothing at it as a business, as 
the ill success of your journal shows you. All that 
is necessary to be done in the way of direct lying 
the editors perform, and as to the mystifying the 
popular mind, that is done by our ministers of the 
Gospel. Your desire for a plantation in Alabama 
is very commendable, and highly becoming in an 
apostle of liberty. But these plantations cost 
money, and we cannot afford to bestow them gratis 
on such persons as often as they arrive from foreign 
lands, for at that rate we should be soon forced to 
take up the occupation of apostles ourselves, being 
absolutely driven from our homes by the invasion 
of armies of friends. 

As circumstances are, I would recommend to you 
to seek a secluded nook somewhere in the country, 
and wait till the demand for lying editors, or some 
other class of liars-for-slavery, has risen to call 
forth your talents, and supply you with bread. 
Wait patiently, and in time, if you are not popular, 
you may at least continue notorious. 

So the Apostle abandoned his journal, and set to 
waiting for an opportunity to become famous. But 
the longer he waited, the less conspicuous he be- 
came, till he sunk at last silently and quietly into 
utter oblivion. For even his transient notoriety 
was forgotten 



THE SLAVE-PEN. 

There should ever be a Slave-pen within sight of the Capitol; 

to remind Aliens of the quality of American Liberty. 

A NOBLE Exile who had suffered much and 
worthily at home in behalf of humanity, came to 
America, to witness the reality of that liberty, the 
hope of which had been to him like the cloud by 
day and the pillar of fire by night. For the fame 
of America's freedom had traveled far among 
the nations, and multitudes had been soothed in 
their oppressions by the remembrance of it. To see 
the most illustrious example .of devotion to Amer- 
ica's liberty, he sought the presence of her Chief 
Magistrate, who entertained him with glowing 
pictures of her institutions, and her political and 
commercial prosperity. Now the Magistrate, wish- 
ing to leave upon his guest the most favorable im- 
pressions, took him through the streets of the city 
of the Capitol, and showed him with great pride 
the beautiful edifices which the free government 
used. With all these the stranger was greatly de- 
lighted, and began to think that freedom had indeed 
found an asylum on earth. While gazing in quiet 

pleasure on these tokens of prosperity, and these 

(85) 



86 LEAVEN FOR DOUGnPACES. 

first essays of a free government, he inquired the 
use of an edifice mucli less imposing than the rest, 
over which the national flag was flying, and which 
bore even a filthy and slattern look. 

That, said the Magistrate, is a slave-market. 
You may not be aware that our government is a 
union of Slaveholders and the People, and that by 
the compact of union, the former have more power 
in the government than the People themselves, 
and that simply because they are Slaveholders. 
This, however, is true. In America, the liberty of 
slave-holding is the most precious sort of liberty, 
and democracy itself with us, means, the govern- 
ment of the People hy the slave-holding minority. 
Hence, when the Masters of the People come up 
here to legislate for them, they wish some refresh- 
ing symbol of their power to be ever within sight. 
And, therefore, this slave-pen is established near 
the Capitol, in order that the Masters and youthful 
Democrats, who come hither as law-givers, may 
draw a living inspiration from the scourgings with- 
in its walls. And when the Slaveholders have sub- 
dued the People, and established their own democ- 
racy, we intend to blend the device of an overseer's 
whip among the stars of the national flag. The 
stripes are on it alread}-, you perceive, and they 
have a beautiful significance. Look, therefore, O 
stranger, on that slave-pen as a symbol of our 
American freedom. 

Then the Exile exclaimed : Much have I suffered 
by the treachery of pretended friends, and the open 
assaults of bitter enemies ; and much have I en- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 87 

dured to aid the dosvn-trodden millions of the old 
world, struggling for a freedom that never comes ; 
and ever the faith that one great nation at least is 
free, has sustained my flagging strength, and 
nerved me against a total despair. Bat now my 
heart dies within me, when I find that true free4om 
has no refuge on earth ; and that the so called land 
of liberty is but a country where a People full of 
hypocrisy licks the feet of tyrants and forges fetters 
for their slaves. give me back the open oppres- 
sion of the despots of the Old World, and let me 
never see again the monstrous liberty of the despots 
of the new ! 



XXI. 

■ ; THE WEIGHIXa OF THE MERITS. 

;■ Our Presidents are the Tools of tlie Slave Power. 

Two ex-presidents meeting together began to 
compare their deserts, and when one insisted on a 
good thing he had done, the other set against it a 
similar good thing. But as neither could claim 
superiority, they determined to write on separate 
•billiard balls the distinguishing acts of their admin- 
istrations, and then to cast, them into the opposite 
scales of a balance, when he should be considered 
to have been the most worthy magistrate who had 
cast the heavier ball. Then one wrote : 

/ secured the enactment of a law returning every 
fugitive bondman to his master. And the other 
wrote : / robbed tJie People of a vast territory sacred 
to liberty^ and made them believe that the act of rob- 
bery secured the establishment of their own sovereignty. 

Then casting the balls into the scales, the arms 
swayed to and fro for a moment, and finally settled 
in e({uilibrium. But as they were wondering at 
the exact adjustment of the balance, a Slaveholder 
looking in at the door cried : Flunkeys ! there is no 
difference between you; your deserts are equal. 

Not what you did for the People, constitutes your 

(88) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 89 

merit, but what you did for us. We are willing to 
take the will for the deed, where nothing better 
can be had from a president. But your services for 
Slavery are really very great. For one of you con- 
verted all the free states into a slave-pen, and the 
other nipped all future free states in the bud. The 
subjugation of the People to our control must date 
emphatically from the era when you two were suc- 
cessively in office, and it is impossible to tell which 
was most thoroughly devoted to us. You deserve 
nothing from the People but curses, therefore, from 
us expect your reward. We cannot make you 
presidents again, for you have rendered yourselves 
suspected by the People. But we will give you a 
flunkey's wages, something that will satisfy your 
appetite for public places, and while it renders you 
unpopular marks you as ours. For though we use 
traitors to subdue the People, we never forget to 
mark them with that brand. 

Then said one ex-president to the other : To this 
have we come! We have cheated the People only 
to be despised by those who have used us. 

But the other said: I care not for the People, 
nor for honor from them. They have their masters. 
Those masters I serve, and I would rather be their 
flunkey, than to occupy any other place. It suits 
my genius and taste, for nature made me to crawl, 
rather than soar. I shall never regret deceiving 
the People, so long as I am well paid. Besides, 
the People wish to be deceived; let them be so. 

8 



XXII. 

THE DEMOCKAT ON A HUNT. 

The latest Democracy finds a genial occupation in the Chase 
of Fugitive Slaves. 

A Northern Democrat visited that section of the 
Union where Slavery prevails. And desiring to 
become thoroughly acquainted with his southern 
brethren, he made himself at home among them. 
He traveled from plantation to plantation on noble 
steeds provided for him by his entertainers. But 
they feasted and flattered, and flattered and feasted 
their guest till his head was turned by *'the hospi- 
talities of the South." 

Meanwhile these hospitable people were se- 
cretly measuring the strength of his anti-slavery 
convictions, and some of them resolved to put them 
to a practical trial. So they gathered together 
from many quarters with horses, and hounds, and 
gunsy prepared for a hunt, to which the Democrat 
was invited. When they were ready to set out, 
the guest asked his companions what kind of game 
they expected to take. To this his friends laugh- 
ingly replied, that they should keep that a secret, 
in order that he might experience an agreeable 
surprise. 

(00) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 91 

The hunt began, and away they went with whoop 
and halloo, through open field and forest, till they 
were finally brought to a stand by the baying of the 
hounds in a thick, and almost impervious swamp. 
Here the hunters dismounted, and our Democrat 
with the rest pushed forward, as best he could, till 
the game was discovered, defending itself from the 
hounds, bloody and faint from a desperate fight. 

Here, said the Slaveholders, is our game — and 
their guest, looking, was for a moment startled to 
see a Fugitive Slave keeping the dogs at bay. But 
recovering at once his natural democratic com- 
posure and servility, he said: There is no action 
more becoming a good democrat than this. De- 
mocracy is exhibited in one's obeying the powers 
that be, whatever they may ordain. I regard your 
order, noble Slaveholders, as the proprietors of the 
constitution, the proper depository of all national 
authority, and the power to which the People, par- 
ticularly Non Slaveholders, owe allegiance. And 
I may say, that though, if I had an uncultivated 
conscience, I might feel some repugnance to a work 
like this, I have notwithstanding been so thoroughly 
disciplined in the theory and practice of human 
rights by our National Democracy as to see clearly 
that the maintenance of the rights of Slaveholders 
is the primary object of our government; and that 
only by the perpetuation of the institution of Slav- 
ery, can our country become the home of liberty, 
and a refuge for the oppressed of all nations. It 
was for liberty tinctured with Slavery, I may add, 
that our fathers bled and died. 



92 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Then the Slaveholders praised their friend for his 
patriotism, and for the possession of a conscience 
so cultivated as to see human rights in their proper 
relations ; and particularly did they extol that lucid 
clearness of vision which enabled him to discern 
the primar}' object of our government. So on their 
return from the hunt, they placed him at the head 
of their company, where he displayed his love of 
liberty, and the purity of his democracy, by inflict- 
ing many an unfeeling blow on the recaptured 
fugitive. By these manifestations of servility the 
Slaveholders, behind his back, were greatly delight- 
ed, and one said to another: If we can but keep 
alive this temper of mingled cowardice and cruelty 
in the breasts of the Northern Democracy, our 
reign over both Slaves and People will be eternal. 



XXIII. 

THE BLACK EMBASSADORS. 

The Ministers of Colored Nations cannot be received by the 
G-ovornment of the Union. 

A NATION of Blacks, who were once Slaves, 
wrought out their freedom through much suffering 
and bloodshed. Wishing now to be numbered in 
the great fraternity of nations, they established a 
republic, and sent abroad ministers asking to be 
recognized as an independent people. Among the 
despots, and constitutional kings of the world, these 
ministers were every where received kindly, and 
the independence of their people recognized. 

Other ministers were likewise sent to a sister 
republic, not many hundred miles from their own 
island, to demand recognition. But here their suit 
was denied. For the republic to which the colored 
embassadors came, was based on a union of the 
People with Slaveholders. And the Slaveholders 
held Blacks in bondage, and by the terms of the 
compact of union, they were to have greater power 
in the government of the republic than the People 
themselves, simply because they were Slaveholders. 
And they not only managed to control the govern- 
ment, but to diffuse a most violent prejudice 

(93) 



"94 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

against the Blacks among the People, and a great 
fear of the black color as such. 

When, therefore, these colored embassadors ar- 
rived, the slaveholding proprietors of the government 
met to devise means to thwart their errand. And 
in secret conclave some spoke as follows : 

It will be a dangerous precedent to suffer these 
Blacks to be received in the. capacity of embassa- 
dors of a foreign state. For if they come thus, the 
contrast between their condition as freemen, and 
our own slave blacks will be so strong as to awaken 
among the representatives of the People a feeling 
that there is something wrong in Slavery, and it 
will make the Slaves themselves restive and dis- 
contented, to see men of their own color elevated 
to such stations. Besides, if we thus openly recog- 
nise the justice of the independence and freedom of 
this colored nation, we shall as openly condemn 
ourselves for holding their brethren in bondage. 
And while we are publicly greeting black embas- 
sadors as representatives of a free republic, our 
hypocrisy will not only be painful to ourselves, but 
what is worse, apparent to all the world. For it 
is not a bad thing for us to be hypocrites, when we 
derive great advantages from such conduct, but it 
would be exceedingly disagreeable to have our 
hypocrisy revealed. Now the People do not as yet 
even suspect us to be hypocrites. But a public rec- 
ognition that a black republic may rightfully exist, 
would open our real character to the knowledge of 
all. We must therefore contrive to prevent the 
recognition of these Black Embassadors, and at the 
same time, conceal the reason why we prevent it. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 95 

So it was secretly resolved among them to adopt 
this policy. When therefore the representatives of 
the People met in the national council, a Slave- 
holder rose and spoke at great length on the 
odiousness of the black color; showing among 
other things that blacks were descended from Ham, 
and that the curse of Canaan rested on them; and 
that the sole reason of their being admitted to 
America was, that by the inscrutable wisdom of 
Providence they might be made missionaries to 
Africa ; and that moreover if colored embassadors 
were admitted and the independence of their nation 
recognized, Amalgamation would be spread far and 
wide, and would soon debase the color of the uni- 
versal Anglo-Saxon race. By these and similar 
arguments, he so wrought on the delicate sensibili- 
ties of the timid representatives, that they rejected 
the ministers as they would have done so many 
public lepers, and congratulated themselves at the 
same time, that they had saved the nation from a 
great disgrace. But they did not perceive that 
they had brought on themselves a greater, by re- 
fusing to recognize a people's independence which 
had been acquired by great sufferings and losses, 
thus treading under foot the rights of man. 



XXIV. 

THE OPENINa OF THE SEALS. 

VvHien the People bargain with Slaveholders they ever get 
cheated. 

Two European monarchs, learning that the Peo- 
ple of the colonies which had recently revolted from 
England, and become independent, were about to 
establish a compact of union with Slaveholders, 
disputed as to which of the two parties would be 
the loser, one monarch contending that it would 
be the People, the other, that the Slaveholders 
would lose. But admitting that some length of 
time must elapse before the dispute could be de- 
cided, they agreed to state the point in question in 
writing, and seal it up, and that after sixty years 
it should be opened by their descendants for their 
instruction, and the advantages gained either by the 
People or their partners, should be concisely stated, 
and the document again sealed, not to be opened 
till after the lapse of another sixty years. So when 
the time prescribed had passed, and the monarchs 
had gone the way of all mortals, their descendants 
opened the writing, and in accordance with the 
agreement made this statement : 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 97 

We find that in the articles of compact between 
the Slaveholders and the People, it is stated that 
the Union is formed to establish Justice and Liberty. 
But we find in the articles themselves, the People 
guaranteeing the secure possession of their slaves 
to their masters. We find them agreeing that 
fhree Slaveholders shall have as much power as 
five Non-Slaveholders. We find the Slaveholders 
agreeing to be taxed directly for the support of the 
Union, in return for those stipulations on the part 
of the People. We therefore find the People losers 
in the compact itself. 

As to the performance of the stipulations, we find 
the People faithfully performing their agreements, 
returning fugitive slaves, and consenting that five 
of their own number should equal but three Slave- 
holders, forming their national Congress by that 
ratio. On the other hand we find the Slaveholders 
paying no direct taxes for the support of the gov- 
ernment during sixty years. 

As to the administration of the government, we 
find that the greater part of its civil ofiicers, its 
embassadors, the commanders of its Army and 
Navy, in short most of its power, has been in the 
hands of Slaveholders. 

As to the history of the government, so far as it 
has acted for either party to the disadvantage of 
the other, we find that after the national Treasury 
had been pretty Vv^ell filled by the People, many 
millions of their money were extended to buy a 
large territory for the Slaveholders from the 
French. 



98 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 



We next find the Slaveholders shutting up the 
shipping of the People in their harbors, in order to 
prostrate their commerce, and keep down their 
power. 

But as the People were not sufficiently crippled by 
that act, we find the Slaveholders, under pretences 
of maintaining free trade and sailor's rights, force- 
ing them into a war with the most powerful of na- 
tions, which again cost hundreds of millions of the 
People's money. 

The People still continuing to prosper, we find 
the Slaveholders persuading them in the name of 
Democracy, to destroy most of their manufactories 
of Cloth and Iron, and send their Gold and Silver 
to foreign countries to buy them. 

Notwithstanding these drawbacks, as the People, 
continued to increase in numbers and wealth, we 
find the Slaveholders, in fear that the free states 
would outnumber their own, sending marauders 
upon the territory of another nation, to seize and 
annex it to the Union as a slave state. 

We next find the Slaveholders making war upon 
this same nation, at the cost, to the People, of a 
hundred millions, and again robbing its territory 
and annexing it for themselves. 

Still fearing the People, we find them next, by 
bribery and menace, persuading the deputies of the 
People to deliver over to them all the unoccupied 
territory of the Union to be made into slave states^ 
so that the government might be forever in their 
hands. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 99 

Thus far, then we find the People losers, and we 
know not that it shall ever be otherwise. But we 
set down this statement as to the workings of the 
compact, that at the end of another sixty years, 
those who come after us may see who are then the 
gaining party. 

Then the document was again sealed, to be 
opened once more at the appointed time. But no 
man knows who then shall rule in the Great Re- 
public. 



XXV. 

THE REJECTED OFFER. 

; 

A Fugitive Slave knov/s v/hen he is happy as v/ell as a 
born Democrat 

A SLAVE who had escaped from bondage, found a 
home in one corner of the Union, where liberty was 
respected, though not secure. Possessed of nothing 
but his hands and a healthy body when his life of 
freedom began, he yet managed to accumulate, 
within a few years, much money, as well as houses 
and lands. He had not only gathered property, 
but he had learned to use it generously for the 
good of others, and thus the increase of his wealth 
did not make him feel poor. For his property did 
not possess him, but he possessed his property. 

It chanced that this self-emancipated bondman, 
taking a journey, fell in with a man who had been 
a democrat from birth, as he said, and who pre- 
tended to know a great deal about liberty and the 
rights of man. Now the Fugitive, willing to try 
the value of his companion's regard for liberty, in- 
quired of him whether a slave might lawfully run 
away from his master. 

Then the Democrat said : Right and wrong de- 
pend upon relations. One set of relations makes 

rioo) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 101 

an act right, a different set, makes it wrong. Of 
course the power which establishes the relations, 
makes all there is of right and wrong. In soci- 
ety, the Law ordained by the supreme power, de- 
termines the relations, and so determines the right 
and the wrong. I am inclined to think there is 
nothing higher than the Law, to make the differ- 
ence between these things. What the law ordains, 
that is right; what it forbids is wrong. Where 
the Law permits Slavery, it is right ; where it is 
prohibited, it is wrong. Now in our country the 
Law allows Slavery, that is, it gives permission to 
one man to own another. Therefore, the owner has 
a right to possess him whom the Law has put in his 
power. Then, of course, he who is owned cannot 
lawfully run away. 

Then said the Fugitive : If you should take me 
by force, and carry me into a country where your 
bare claim to own me should make me your prop- 
erty, would your title to my person be just? 

Certainly, said the Democrat. For justice in that 
country would allow me to own you. 

And if, said the Fugitive, I should run away from 
you, would it be the duty of whoever could do it, to 
return me to my master? 

It would, said the Democrat; for every good citi- 
zen should obey the law, whatever it commands, 
for that is to do right. 

Then said the Fugitive: I have been a slave, and 
t ran away from my former master; and what is 
more, I intend to stay away. 

Then the Democrat, surprised and confounded, 



102 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

began to upbraid him for violating his duty and the 
Law, but finding that his reproaches did not move 
the Fugitive, he opened in another strain. 

Said he : I see not why a slave in our country 
should run away. He is in a far better condition 
as a slave than a freeman. He has no cares and 
no anxieties. His master provides for him, — he is 
well clad, well sheltered, and well fed. What more 
can a reasonable man ask? Food, clothing, shelter, 
freedom from anxiety, — these are the great natural 
wants. Whoever has these supplied should ask 
for nothing more, for these are the main objects 
about which the struggle of life goes on. All these 
things you had as a slave. Here you can get noth- 
ing more, nor so much. A southern slave's situa- 
tion is really better than to be poor and needy in 
the North. I would advise you to return, keep the 
Law, do right, obey your master, — for this is your 
true happiness. You cannot be happy as a 
freeman. 

Then said the Fugitive: Since the case of a slave 
is so much better than that of a freeman, let us 
compromise our differences. My place as a slave 
is vacant. I know what it was, — how rich in food, 
clothing, and shelter — how free from care — how 
jolly. I also know what it is to be a freeman, and 
have a freeman's cares, and a freeman's struggles 
for a livelihood. Let us change places. I will con- 
tinue here, and be a democrat in your place, shoul- 
dering a freeman's responsibilities. Do you go into 
the South, to my old master, lay aside your democ- 
racy, or at least so much of it as is not bred in the 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 103 

bone, and get the food, clothing, and shelter, for 
nothing. The exchange of situations will be vastly 
to the satisfaction and prosperity of both of us, I 
doubt not. 

Then the other, taken entirely unawares by the 
novelty of the proposal, answered — he knew not 
what — but, blushing, stammered forth these words: 
It is just as well to be a northern Democrat. 

You are right, said the Fugitive. The northern 
Democrat of to-day is sl slave. 



XXVI. 

THE RULER OF A FREE PEOPLE TRIED. 

The Chief Magistrate of a Free People needs not necessarily 
be a Man. 

A SLAVE in Virginia ran away from his master, 
and coming to the Potomac he swam over it oppo- 
site the city of the CapitoL And seeing before him 
a large white mansion, he thought he would boldly 
approach the door and ask for refreshment and ref- 
uge from his master, who he knew would soon be 
in pursuit of him. So knocking at the door, it was 
opened by a lackey, to whom he told his story, and 
asked for admission. But the lackey hesitated 
when he knew that it was a fugitive slave who 
stood before him, and kept plying him with ques- 
tions, while he meditated what to do. But a per- 
sonage who had seen the slave approach, and had 
overheard the object of his visit, put his head out 
of an upper window, and asked him what he 
wanted. 

Then the slave, looking up, said: I am a fugitive 

from one who calls himself my master. I am weary 

and hungry, and having swam the river, I wish to 

rest here a while and dry my garments, and get a 

little to eat. For it is a long way to Canada, and 
(104) 




I am not a Man, but a President.'' Par. XXVI. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES 107 

I must rest where I can, and depend on charity for 
food, for I have no money, and I expect that my 
master will soon be in pursuit of me. 

Then the personage looking down from the upper 
window, said: This is the last place in the world 
for a fugitive slave to find refuge. This is the Pres- 
ident's House, and I am the President of the Amer- 
ican Union, — and a democratic President, too, and 
my chief business is to catch just such fellows 
as you. 

And the slave, looking up, said: That cannot be, 
for I see on yonder Capitol the flag of liberty, glit- 
tering with stars, and the eagle, with wide spread 
wings, holds in his talons the arrows fatal to t}^- 
rants. Surely every man within the shadow of the 
Capitol must be worthy of carrying such a banner. 

How simple you are, said the President. That 
flag only signifies that this land is the home of the 
oppressed of all nations except its own. We use 
it when we march against fugitive slaves. It is the 
same one that floated over the soldiers of the army 
of the Union, when they were called out to recap- 
ture Anthony Burns. 

Who was Anthony Burns ? said the fugitive. 

Anthony was a run-away like yourself, said the 
President. He not only ran away from his master, 
but from his Church. He got away as far as Bos- 
ton, and there one of my officials trapped him, and 
as the fanatics of that city tried to rescue him, I 
ordered out a good part of the army and navy to 
hold him; and, by a great outlay of national treas- 
ure, he was held, and returned to the lash of his 



108 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

master, and, by the blessing of God, to the very 
Church from whose Gospel he had tried to escape. 
So you need not try to do the same thing. I could 
send out, in less than an hour, the military force of 
half the Union, and the prayers of multitudes of 
clergymen, for your recapture. 1 am the great 
guardian of our domestic institutions. The Union 
is a great institution for catching fugitives, and my 
function is to marshal all the hounds, the two- 
legged and four-legged, in the chase. 

Then leaning forward from the window, and rub- 
bing both hands in sight of the slave, he continued: 
You need not come here for refuge. I am the man 
who executes the Fugitive Law, of which I know 
you have heard. And I do it with alacrity. It is 
natural to me. I like it. I have something of the 
bloodhound in my own composition — and some- 
thing of the turkey-buzzard. Do not come to me 
for displays of humanity. I am not a man, but a 
President — a democratic President. So, away 
with you, or I will myself take you back to your 
master. 

The Slave answered : If I had known that this 
was the house of the President, I would not have 
asked for charity here. But I thought it was the 
house of a man. So turning on his heel he fled 
hastily away, and the President shut the window, 
and the lackey the door, each in great disgust. 



XXVII. 

THE SLAVEHOLDER'S PROTECTION. 

A body of ignorant Non-Slaveholding Freemen support the 
Tyranny of the Slaveholders; and degrade themselves. 

Two Slaveholders, returning to their homes on 
an evening following an election, the younger of 
the two said to the elder: 

Jt is a matter of surprise to me to see so many 
Non-Slaveholders voting with us. They have no 
interest in maintaining our aristocratic privileges, 
but on the contrary are acting in direct opposition 
to their own welfare. Strange as it is, they are 
zealous supporters of our institution^ not only by 
their votes, but in other ways. They shout and 
halloo for Slavery as if the salvation of themselves 
and their children depended on its everlasting con- 
tinuance. A word in reproach of it is sure to 
arouse their fiercest anger, and they are as ready 
to fight to maintain our supremacy over themselves 
and our slaves, as we are. They whose interests 
are all on the side of emancipation, are the most 
sturdy and blind in their hostility to it. The rude 
violence that suppresses free speech among us, and 
jeopardises the life of any assailant of our power, 

(109) 



110 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

is mostly their work. I confess I do not understand 
this state of things; and as you have had more ex- 
perience of Hfe than myself, I should be pleased to 
have you enlighten me on the subject. 

I perceive, said his friend, that you are not fully 
initiated in the mystery of the working of our free 
institutions. It requires the utmost care and at- 
tention to manage our social and political system 
to prevent its entire derangement, and as you are 
just about to become an active participant in it, 
you may, perhaps, be benefited by some suggestions 
gleaned from my experience. 

You observe that the greater part of our Non- 
Slaveholders are extremely ignorant. Even the ru- 
diments of knowledge, the simple arts of reading 
and writing, are not understood to any extent 
among them. Oat of this ignorance grow certain 
vices, which flourish all the better the more dense 
the ignorance. I refer particularly to drunkenness, 
to the pride which is ashamed of labor, to the reck- 
lessness of human life, to that revengeful and con- 
tentious temper which is never satisfied with peace 
and good order. Now this class of our population, 
with all its vices, is absolutely indispensable to us. 
And, therefore, we nurse it with the greatest care. 

We systematically cultivate their ignorance, with 
its attendant vices; and this is the first element of 
political knowledge to be acquired by a slavehold- 
ing statesman. 

1 can give you an example how we manage. It 
is well known that the northern Free States foster 
and cherish what they call a common school system. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. Ill 

This is well enough where the whole population 
are equal before the law. For if you wish equal 
rights in a community, they must be sufficiently 
educated to know what social and political ar- 
rangements will guaranty equal rights. But in a 
community where a slaveholding class is to rule, 
the less knowledge in those below that class, the 
better. For, where Slavery exists, the community 
is naturally divided into three ranks, — the Slave- 
holders, the Slaves, and the Non-Slaveholders. It 
is plain, that if the two latter classes know their 
rights, they will combine and overthrow the power 
of the Slaveholders. For that power is not only 
an injury to the slave, but to the freeman who lives 
beside the slave. It is an injury, because the free- 
man's labor is worth nothing where unpaid labor 
competes against it. 

Then in the South we should guard against the 
spread of common schools; which, indeed, we do. 
For, though we pretend to take a great interest in 
the matter, it is nothing but a pretence. We can 
establish colleges and high schools, because the 
kind of education acquired in such seminaries be- 
ing expensive, lies beyond the reach of our Non- 
Slaveholders, and even when acquired leaves a 'prej- 
udice against social equality in the mind of the recip- 
ient, being mostly classical and scholastic, and 
everywhere tinctured with reverence for the slave- 
holding worthies of Greece and Rome. So you 
find that we cherish colleges and select schools, to 
the prejudice of common schools, where the People 
^earn, and thus our Non-Slaveholders spontane- 



112 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

ously grow up in ignorance of their rights and of 
the oppression which our system secretly works 
upon them. Along with this ignorance, grows 
contempt and hatred for the slave, and a desire to 
see him kept in servitude, so that where this pas- 
sion has taken root, it becomes a defense and bul- 
wark of our slave-system. For this hatred of the 
slave, makes our Non-Slaveholders a volunteer po- 
lice force to keep them in bondage. The fools 
are our body-guard, our unpaid Swiss, in the South, 
out of blind antipathy to the slave forging his fetters 
and their own, with strokes of the same hammer. 
But this folly and ignorance in them, you per- 
ceive, is all to our advantage. Their very vices 
are the materials of our prosperity. 

There is another aspect in which the utility of 
the Non-Slaveholder's ignorance can be seen. Our 
slave-system requires a great deal of land for its ef- 
fectual maintenance. It is thus crowding our Non- 
Slaveholders off all the good soil of the country. 
At present, they run away into our western territo- 
ries, occupy the lands, and prepare the way for us 
to follow with our slaves. Then in time we come 
after them, settle down and make slave states 
where they have been pioneers. And thus we keep 
adding new slave states continually, to the Union. 
After a little time, we shall have so much impov- 
erished all our Non-Slaveholders, North and South, 
and shall have occupied so much territory, that 
there will be no classes left but Slaveholders and 
Slaves throughout the Union. This glorious result 
will be brought about by cultivating the ignorance 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 113 

of the People. It is alread}^ so dense, that they do 
not see what is our object in adding new slave 
states to the Union. Their descendants may, per- 
haps, understand it, but it will be when they are no 
longer free. 

The simple reason, then, why the Non-Slavehold- 
ers among us vote as we wish, is that they are pro- 
foundly ignorant of what they are about, not know- 
ing that the same chain which passes around the 
neck of the slave is fastened to their own heels; and 
also, because they hate the slave too much to do 
him justice. But this hatred, again, springs from 
ignorance. They know that Slavery causes their 
own poverty, but they do not see that our power 
causes the Slavery. 

By all means, then, cultivate the ignorance of the 
People, if you would secure your privileges as a 
Slaveholder; there is no other secure foundation 
for them. 

When the young lord had received this explana- 
tion, he was very much gratified, and thanked his 
companion as he parted from him, for he thought 
by following the advice given him, he might one day 
become a legislator, deserving a seat in Congress. 
10 



XXVIII. 

THE CRACKED LIBERTY-BELL. 

The cracked Eell which annoTinced the signing of the Dec- 
laration of Independence, is the symbol of our 
National Freedom. 

A Slaveholder and a Doughface visited the hall 
of the Declaration of Independence in Philadelphia. 
And as they walked to and fro in it, in pleasant 
converse on the sacrifices of the revolutionary 
fathers, and their exertions in behalf of liberty, 
they pointed out to each other the places in the hall 
which they imagined the signers of the Declaration 
to occupy when that instrument was adopted. 
Here was the seat of the noble Hancock; there 
were the seats of Adams and Jefferson, and here 
sat Franklin. Among the things which attracted 
their attention, was the bell that had been rung 
as a signal of the adoption of the Declaration. 
Approaching it they examined the inscription: Pro- 
claim Liberty to all the land, to all the inhabitants 
thereof. 

Then the Slaveholder, examining it, said: 
Those words are rather fanatical. Liberty 
should not be proclaimed to all the land, to all 

the inhabitants thereof. That would disorganize 
(114) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 115 

society. The greater part of men should serve 
then* betters. A few should rule, and even own 
the masses as property. That is the way we do in 
the South. We have outgrown not only the senti- 
ment inscribed on the bell, but the Declaration ol 
Independence also. We do not believe that all 
men are born free and equal, nor with equal natu- 
ral rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness. That extravagant doctrine did good service 
at the time it was proclaimed, for even we Slave- 
holders then were in danger of being politically 
subjected to the oppression of the mother country, 
and we needed to arouse the yeomanry of the land, 
so that by their aid we might maintain our liberties. 
And it was a good stroke of policy, then, to arouse 
extravagant expectations of liberty in every one. 
But it was never intended to make a practical ap- 
plication of the principle. And so Slavery, domes- 
tic and political, exists in the South to this day. 
By the former kind of Slavery, we own men as 
property; by the latter, we disfranchise and govern 
a large part of our non-slaveholding freemen. Both 
the sentiments on the bell, and that of the Decla- 
ration, are fanatical and disorganizing. They pro- 
claim too great a liberty, and the bell is cracked 
because the doctrine is false. 

Then said the Doughface : I acquiesce most 
heartily in the sentiments you have just expressed. 

But as they were about to leave the hall, having 
satisfied themselves with the contemplation of the 
memorials contained in it, a voice proceeded from 
the bell, and, to their astonishment, uttered these 
words : 



11 G LEAVEN FOR IWUGHFACES. 

You say rightly that the inscription on my face 
proclaims too great a liberty. He who inscribed 
it designed me to utter the glad tidings of freedom 
without regard to race or sex. And he sent me, a 
hundred years ago, when my voice was yet clear, 
from a country where a king, lords, and a dead 
Church, weigh down the freedom of the people, to 
this land, expecting that I should have naught but 
gladness to dispense, whenever my voice should be 
heard. Once, and once only, did I speak with joy, 
and proclaim liberty to all. But my joy has de- 
parted, and my voice has been restrained. For the 
Lord, seeing that I should speak ever after to a na- 
tion of hypocrites, inflicted upon me this hideous 
crack, that whenever I did speak, there should 
issue from me nothing but a miserable clatter, that 
should be in keeping with a Slaveholder's praises 
of liberty, and the peans of Doughfaces. Nor shall 
I ever speak again in clear and ringing tones, till 
Liberty has been proclaimed to all the land, to all 
the inhabitants thereof. 

Upon hearing this, the listeners hastened in great 
alarm from the hall, the Doughface clinging to the 
arm of his friend, for they thought that a spirit had 
spoken. 



XXIX. 

THE RIGHT VICTIM. 

The Fugitive Law enforced on a Democrat makes a Man 
of him. 

A CITIZEN of the free states, who always shouted 
long and loudly for whatever the leaders of his 
party pronounced democratic, was particularly 
gratified with the enactment of a law restoring 
fugitive slaves to their masters; and whenever he 
came into the presence of Slaveholders he took 
occasion to speak very flatteringly of the statute. 
And what he said, that he practised. If a fugitive 
passed through his neighborhood he was ever read\^ 
and willing to join in the pursuit. As a professed 
democrat, he was wont to refer to his zeal for the 
execution of the Fugitive Law as proof that his de- 
mocracy was genuine. 

Living near the line that separates the slave and 
free states, he was as often in the one territory as 
the other, but ever the same advocate and defender 
of whatever the Slave Power made law. It hap- 
pened that certain Slaveholders who had often 

heard him defend their institution, and had wit- 

(117) 



118 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

nessed his activity in their cause, grew sick of his 
servility and meanness, and determined to give him 
a taste of the sweets of Slavery. So, finding him 
on his own territory, they kidnapped him, and were 
about to hurry him away into Slavery. And this 
they would have done at once, if certain strangers 
had not interfered in his behalf. But even their 
intervention availed little. For, his kidnappers 
bringing him before one authorized to decide the 
freedom of fugitives, the facts of his case were in- 
quired into, and false witnesses were produced, 
who swore that they had known him a slave, and 
knew him to be the property of his captors. The 
democrat protested that he was a freeman, and a 
free citizen. But the "dark complexion which nature 
chanced to have given him, and curly hair, with 
the false oaths, and the bribe of ten dollars which 
the law itself offered the judge who should condemn 
any one whose liberty was in question, all wrought 
against him, and he was pronounced a slave, — even 
the strangers who had interfered to save him, aban- 
doning his cause. So he was taken away to a dis- 
tant part of the country, and sold at auction for a 
high price. 

lie had hardly gone into the possession of his 
master before he commenced the story of his 
wrongs, telling how he had been kidnapped and 
brought before a United States Commissioner, and 
had lost his liberty by the oaths of false witnesses, 
and that he was a democrat, and had ever been 
one, and had helped execute the Fugitive Law 
himself. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 119 

When the master had heard all this, he immedi- 
ately took him to the nearest tree, and, stripping 
him to his bare back, tied him up by the thumbs 
and ordered his overseer to give him forty lashes. 
So the overseer plied the scourge, and at every 
blow the skin flew in ribbons, and the blood 
streamed down, while his merciless master stood 
by, reviling. 

Impudent scoundrel, said he, talk to me of your 
being a freeman! I am used to such tricks. Every 
run-away is a freeman till he is caught. But you 
think to escape by calling yourself a democrat 
likewise. A pretty device! I know not where you 
have learned the word. But I am the only demo- 
crat here, and I will give you a sense of its mean- 
ing. Lay on the lash, overseer! Teach him the 
rudiments of democracy! 

So the free citizen groaned in bondage for 
months, and every time that he opened his mouth 
to talk of his freedom, he received his inevitable 
forty lashes. Bat, at last, becoming desperate, he 
put every thing at hazard, and, fleeing, safely 
reached his former home. 

But never thereafter did he utter a word in favor 
of the Fugitive Law, nor did he justify Slavery, nor 
huzza for Democracy. 



XXX. 

THE POLITIC SLAVEHOLDERS. 

The dread of Disunion, and the cry of Democracy are the 
moans with which the Slave Power subdues the People. 

A COMPANY of Slaveholders assembled to devise 
waj's and means to perpetuate the Institution, and 
to rally about it the strength of the whole nation, 
that they might be forever the People's masters. 

Then one among them arose and spoke as fol- 
lows : The pillar of all social order is to have, in a 
community, as few free-holders as possible. For 
the more freeholders there exist among a people, 
the more equality there is among them, and of 
course the more independence, and the less dispo- 
sition on the part of the many to submit to the 
rule of a few. 

With us in the South, the authority of the few 
over the many is on a permanent basis, because 
we have a large slave population which we govern 
as we choose, and own as property. And the pres- 
ence of these slaves among our non-slaveholding 
freemen makes the labor of the freemen cheap; so 
cheap that it is impossible for many of them to be 
freeholders. So that we govern them with our 
slaves by the same bond and lash. For by the 
(120) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 121 

control of the slaves we get control of the land, and 
make our non-slaveholding freemen first homeless 
and landless, and at last servile. 

If we wish, then, to make our authority as Slave- 
holders permanent in the nation, we must make 
Slavery national. We cannot, however, do this at 
one leap. We must first subject the territories to 
the rule of Slavery, and creep on by degrees until 
we get it legalized in all the free states. 

In those states, we shall have tw^o classes to deal 
with. The one consists of the men of small proper- 
ties, who follow the lead of the wealthy capitalists; 
the other is made up of the landless poor. The 
first class we must intimidate with threats of dis- 
union, for to their leaders disunion means loss of 
southern trade, and they will act as their leaders 
order. These leaders' interests are in harmony 
with ours, and after a time they will begin to un- 
derstand, and act w^ith us cheerfully. For the 
wealthy traders of the North who make their for- 
tunes out of the labor of others by profits, and who 
return no equivalent to society, are in principle 
nothing less than Slaveholders. But at present we 
must subdue them by fear of disunion. 

With the landless poor, and so many of the small 
freeholders as we can influence, whose interests are 
entirely adverse to ours, we must pursue a differ- 
ent policy. While the virgin territory of the Re- 
public is settling, we must encourage the monopoly 
of the soil by large landholders, and as Slavehold- 
ers can take up and occupy more territory in the 
same time than Non- Slaveholders, we must estab- 
11 



122 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

lish the principle that Slaveholders have equal 
rights with them to the territories of the Republic. 
For when we establish the principle of our equal 
right to the land, we can easily take possession ot 
the greater part of it, and absolutely control the 
legislation. 

Now as the landless poor, and small freeholders, 
are always taken with names, and never desert 
their party-leaders, we must compel these leaders 
to raise the cry of Popular Sovereignty and Equal 
Rights, to delude their followers. For as thieves 
elude pursuit by shouting, Stop thief! so we, by 
raising a prodigious din about Popular Sovereignt}', 
Democracy, Constitutional Obligations and Rights, 
can gain all our most cherished ends under the 
pretense of supporting, w^hat we aim with all our 
might to destroy. 

Then another said : I approve of the policy sug- 
gested. A persistent threat of disunion will keep 
the wealthy classes of the free states subsenient to 
our purposes; and by shouting Democracy^ now 
that the word has become a mere party-badge, we 
can deceive the northern rabble, and lead them 
whither we will. I am much mistaken, if in a few 
generations, we shall not have brought them to the 
level of our slaves. 

So the meeting dispersed, and a loud cry for 
Democracy forthwith filled the air, and from that 
liour the name became national, but the substance 
vanished. 



XXXI. 

THE TRAITOR TO THE UNION. 

Hostility to Slavery is Treason to the Union. 

One of the People, plainly clad and of unpre- 
possessing appearance, was passing the palace of 
the Chief Magistrate of a nation wont to boast of 
its freedom. It occurred to him to propose a ques- 
tion to that great officer. So knocking at the door, 
a lackey bowed him in, and gave him a seat in a 
sumptuous apartment. Then as the plain man sat 
and viewed the farnitare and ornaments about him, 
he said to himself: Surely splendor like this is de- 
signed to grace only the abode of Libertj^'s favorite 
servant. The whisper which is abroad among the 
People, that this great functionary is really Slav- 
ery's high constable, cannot be true. 

As he thus meditated, the Magistrate came forth, 
and with a bland voice, and democratic smile, 
asked his pleasure. Then the plain man said : I 
have a question to propose to your Excellency. 
State it, said the Magistrate. Said the plain man: 
If a hundred Slaveholders should hold a Convention 
to prepare for a dissolution of the Union, and a 
hundred of the people should convene to devise 

(128) 



12-i LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

measures to resist the return of Fugitive Slaves, 
which would be the greater crimhials? 

The Magistrate answered: Clearly the hun- 
dred Non-Slaveholders. For though the Con- 
stitution declares that the Union was formed to 
establish Liberty and Justice, we who adminis- 
ter the government hold that purpose to be only 
the ostensible object of that instrument, which 
can be proved in this way: The primary ob- 
ject of government is the protection of Property : 
If that be duly protected, the owners of it will take 
care of Life and Liberty. Now property in man is 
the most valuable species of property ; and as the 
Constitution gives to Slaveholders privileges in 
legislation superior to those of the People, sim- 
ply because they are a higher class of beings, 
liberty, in the constitutional sense, must mean the 
privilege of slaveholding, with extraordinary guar- 
anties, which is the noblest, choicest, and most de- 
sirable kind of liberty. When, therefore. Slave- 
holders conspire to secede from the Union, there is 
properly no spirit of treason in the act, for they in 
a manner stand above the Constitution, as the 
nursing and rearing of Slaveholders is its great 
l)urpose. It exists only to procure them advantages 
and delights. On the other hand, the obligations 
and burdens attendant on the working of that in- 
strument are expected to fall upon the people — the 
Non-Slaveholders — and they stand under the Con- 
stitution. When, therefore, the latter convene to 
resist the laws for the return of Fugitive Bondmen, 
such an act is in the highest degree insolent and 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 125 

treasonable, as showing disrespect to their masters, 
and as tending to restrict the liberty of slavehold- 
ing, thus being, moreover, anti-democratic. In 
bare dislike of Slavery there lies latent treason, 
and enmity to Democracy. We avoid even this 
latent treason, we keep near the other extreme. 
We love Slavery and Democracy. So in the dis- 
charge of our official duties, we sometimes call out 
the Army and Navy to aid in restoring Fugitives ; 
while on the other hand, if Slaveholders should 
actually take up arms against the Union, or against 
a nation with which we are at peace, or should 
attempt to usurp the government of a non-slave- 
holding state, we should be so far from opposing 
such action on their part, that we should openly 
support it. 

Here the plain man grew restless, and rising 
hastily, bowed lows a,nd went quietly and swiftly 
from the door, while the Magistrate gazed after 
him with his democratic smile. 



XXXII. 

THE INGENIOUS JUDGE. 

It is only in a Republic that the Writ of Habeas Corpus can 
be used to recover Fugitive Slaves. 

A Slaveholder, taking a journey, was pleased to 
traverse a free state, and for the convenience of 
his family, took with him a female servant. For it 
is the fashion of his class to do no menial service 
for themselves which they can thrust upon another. 
On the journey, the master and servant passed 
through a great city, where many dwelt who held 
the rights of man in greater reverence than those 
of masters. They supposed that as no man could 
justly make slaves of them, no one could justly 
do the same by others, and having learned that 
men should not do unto others that which they 
would not that others should do to themselves, they 
endeavored to make this precept a rule of life. 

Several of these friends of humanity, hearing of 
the transit of the Slaveholder, came hastily together, 
and, meeting him as he was about to leave their 
city, one of them told the slave openly, in her mas- 
ter's presence, that she was free. Upon this, he 

am 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES: 127 

who announced her freedom went quietly awa}^, 
while others, gathering around the slave, took her 
under their protection. 

But the master, grieved and vexed at the loss of 
his property, at once set about the recovery of it. 
And going to a Judge of the nation, he demanded 
that he who had told his slave of her right to free- 
dom, might be brought by some writ to show cause 
why he detained the Slaveholder's property. This 
Judge, willing to gain the favor of Slaveholders 
throughout the country, considered with himself 
what he should do. 

I know of no better way, said he, to recover this 
slave than to issue the Writ of Habeas Corpus. It 
was originally designed, it is true, to deliver those 
unjustly in bonds, and it will be a novel procedure 
to refasten with it bonds justly broken. But if lib- 
erty can be overthrown in the name of the People's 
Sovereignty, why cannot the Habeas Corpus be 
converted into a trap to catch slaves? I should hate 
to fall behind the Chief Magistrate in cunning devi- 
ces to favor the institution. I, too, wish to achieve 
a reputation among Slaveholders. Long after I 
am gone, will they remember the Judge who 
caught a slave in so ingenious a way. If it 
should ever be said that such a use of the Writ is 
unlawful, emplojdng it to recover property, I can 
reply that it was used by me to recover a person. I 
will, therefore, issue it. 

So he issued the Writ, commanding the friend of 
the slave to show cause why he unlawfully detained 
the person of the slave woman. But the slave's 



128 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

friend answered that she had never been in his 
keeping, thereby affirming the very truth. 

Then w^as the Judge angry because the Habeas 
Corpus had failed to catch the slave, and said: Am 
I not the keeper of my brother, the Slaveholder, 
and the keeper of his rights? As his slave has es- 
caped through the connivance of this man, his ven- 
geance, at least, shall be gratified. I will there- 
fore assume that her champion lied in responding 
to the Writ, and I will keep him in prison on a 
charge of contempt of court, till, through the force 
of suffering, I compel him to acknowledge the lie 
which I have falsely charged upon him. 

So the Judge sent the friend of the slave to prison, 
where he lay in long and harsh durance, suffering 
by virtue of the newly vamped Writ of Habeas 
Corpus, which at the same time exhibited the 
Judge's base ingenuity, and the disgrace of his 
nation. 



XXXIII. 

THE PROTECTION OF LAW. 

Citizens of a Free State barely suspected of aiding the escape 
of Fugitive Slaves may be sent to Prison in a Slave State. 

A CITIZEN of a slave state in the Great Republic, 
became deeply interested in removing the cm^se of 
involuntary servitude from his country, and, there- 
fore, exerted himself by speech and writing to show 
the evils springing from it, and to induce Slave- 
holders to abandon it. Now many slaves were 
continually escaping into a border free state, and 
were wont to take the town of his residence in their 
route. As the citizen was know^n to hate Slavery, 
the masters of the fugitives held him in suspicion, 
and, by menaces and scandal, made his home so 
unpleasant that he was compelled to change his 
residence. So he removed, also, to a free state, 
hoping to remain at rest. Presently after his re- 
moval, there occurred another flight of slaves, and, 
this man still lying under suspicion, the masters 
charged him with aiding and abetting in their es- 
cape. They therefore went to the Governor of their 
own State, and demanded that the citizen should 

be brought a prisoner from his new home, and put 

(129) 



130 lEAYEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

on trial lor aiding in the escape of the fugitives, in 
the State from which he had removed. 

And the Governor said: This is right, and your 
request is proper. Suspicion of aiding in the escape 
of slaves, when resting on a citizen of a free state, 
is sufficient ground for bringing him to trial, and, 
if necessary, thrusting him into prison among us. 
Our rights as Slaveholders are superior to the rights 
of Non-Slaveholders, and if citizens of a free state 
become suspected of interfering with them, that 
should at any time render those citizens the proper 
subjects for the control of our sheriffs. For non- 
slaveholding freemen are a class inferior to us. I 
will, therefore, command the Governor of the free 
state to surrender this preacher of freedom; and he 
will not dare to disobey, because the order issues 
from a slave state. 

So he made an imperative requisition on the 
Governor of the free state to gun^ender the 
preacher. 

Now the latter Governor was a good democrat, 
and stood in mortal fear of the order of Slavehold- 
ers, esteeming them a race of superior beings. 
When the requisition came, he received it with 
great reverence, as if an inspired \A-riting from on 
high. And he said to himself: I have been long 
desiring an opportunity to pay my court to the 
Slave Power, and this requisition is the very thing 
wliich I could most desire. For, by obeying it, I 
shall at once vindicate my democratic principles, 
and gain favor with the proprietors of the nation. 
I see that the requisiton calls for one suspected of 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 131 

aiding fugitive slaves to escape. So much the bet- 
ter for me. If I can but succeed in establishing the 
principle, that the bare suspicion of aiding in these 
escapes should subject all citizens of free states to 
liability of trial and imprisonment on slave soil, I 
may gain as much renown as the man who robbed 
the People of their free territory in the name ot 
their own sovereignt3^ Besides, this rampant spirit 
of liberty, now so prevalent in our country, needs 
all the power of Democracy and Slavery combined 
to keep it in order; and I will make of this preacher 
an example of terror to all aiders of fugitive slaves. 
So he issued an order to a sheriff to seize the 
preacher, and to deliver him up to trial and a prison 
in the slave state. But the preacher, secretly learn- 
ing what the democratic Governor intended for him, 
fled to another free state, leaving his family beliind 
him. There he continued an exile from family and 
home, under suspicion of aiding human beings to 
recover their natural rights, and in constant danger 
of imprisonment by reason of his love of liberty. 



XXXIV. 

THE DOUGHFACE'S LETTER. 

Hospitality costs nothing, when the toil of Slaves paya 
the expense. 

A Doughface, traveling in the South, took lodg- 
ings for a night at the mansion of a Slaveholder, 
where he so entertained his host by agreeable con- 
versation, and his extreme servility, that the host 
requested him, as it was already late in autumn, to 
become his guest during the winter. The Dough- 
face, thinking himself highly honored, was unable to 
resist the invitation, and accordingly arranged his 
affairs to remain. Domiciled as a member of the 
family, great parties were made for him, and he 
was introduced to all the neighboring planters. To 
add to the favor with which he was received by his 
new friends, he improved every opportunity to eulo- 
gize the system of Slavery. They, in return, so flat- 
tered and bepraised him, that his common sense was 
seriously impaired. In addition to this, his host, 
discovering how he could be most effectually wrought 
upon, ordered a slave to attend him constantly, to 
make his fires, black his boots, and saddle a horse 
for him whenever he wished. These tokens of re- 
gard soon completely upset him ; for as he never 
(132) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHj?ACES. 133 

before had been served by a slave, he became so 
intoxicated with the treatment, that he began to 
think Slavery altogether divine. And, to convert 
the whole North to his new faith, he wrote an arti- 
cle, and sent it to a national democratic paper for 
insertion. It was in these words: 

Mr. Editor: — I have never been so thoroughly 
convinced of the folly and fanaticism of the aboli- 
tionists, as dm^ng the few weeks of my stay here. 
I have been residing, for the past month, in the 
midst of hospitalities and delights, such as I had 
never before imagined. I am tarrying with a 
Slaveholder, whose heart is a perfect well of gene- 
rosity! He thinks no kindness in his power to be- 
stow, too great for me. He has given several par- 
ties on my account, and procured my invitation to 
several more given by his neighbors. He has set 
one slave to wait upon me ; he has my boots 
cleaned by daybreak every morning ; and a horse 
is kept for my especial pleasure. In addition to all 
this, he charges nothing for my board ! Was such 
hospitality ever known in the North ? I think not. 

My host owns a hundred negroes. I need not 
say that they are happy. No pigs on any North- 
ern farm are fatter and sleeker. The\^ have abun- 
dance to eat, and as much clothing as this climate 
demands. We, who are good democrats, know 
that if a man's belly is well filled, and he has a 
pair of pantaloons and a shirt, he should aspire to 
nothing higher. Do you know of a democrat in 
this condition who does ? Now m\ host's negroes 
have all these things. Should they ask for mere? 



134 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

They do not break up the families of the slaves 
in the Soutii, as the mendacious abolitionists say. 
For marriage is made easy for them, and there are 
strictly speaking no families. Fathers do not know 
their own children; brothers and sisters do not 
know their relationship. Sm-ely this is democratic. 
There is always, however, a sufficient mixture of 
white blood among the negroes to beautify them ; 
and the mixed races seem to be gaining on both 
the pure colors. 

AY hen they sell a babe from its mother's arms, 
she feels badly for a time, but gets over it at last, 
and the good condition of the market for that com- 
modity soon replaces the lost child. The best in- 
stitutions have their vulnerable points, you know. 
Should Slavery be assailed on account of its dis- 
tressing incidents? 

Peace and good order prevail perpetually on 
this plantation. The slaves love their masters to 
distraction, and it is doubtful whether the induce- 
ments which might be offered by a world of aboli- 
tionists, could entice one from his service. He 
says he can confide in their honesty to any degree. 

My host is a great admirer of the Fugitive Slave 
Law. He thinks it adds one more link to our glo- 
rious Union, and one to the leg of every slave, and 
that the general submission to it speaks well for 
the healthful tone of public and private morality 
prevalent in the North. He thinks that as soon as 
the People become too proud, or too obstinate to 
chase run-away negroes, the daj^s of the pure 
democracy will be numbered, and our free institu- 



LEAVEN POR DOUGHFACES. 135 

tions will go down in blood. These are my 
sentiments. 

My host is in favor of Colonization. He says 
that the free negroes are a great pest about the 
plantations, because they incite the slaves to theft 
and robbery, and set the example of insubordina- 
tion. They are themselves great thieves and rob- 
bers. He thinks that there are enough of this class 
in the South, could they be all removed at once to 
Africa, to Christianize that ill-fated land in a 
twelvemonth. He thinks Colonization should be 
promoted, also, because if the free Noj'th should 
once get a hankering for Amalgamation, and the 
natio-ual democrats start in a general race for it, 
the monopoly of the South in that business would 
be seriously encroached upon. 

As to the Christian character of the slaves, so far 
as my observation extends, it is above all praise. 
The greater part of them belong to some Church ; 
and laying out of view their lying, thieving, and 
licentious habits, which are nearly universal, they 
are very exemplary followers of the Cross ! 

Shall this beautiful system of social relations be 
rudely dissolved by fanaticism ? Shall emancipa- 
tion be suffered to destroy our free institutions ? 
Shall we, by loosing the bonds of three millions of 
slaves, encourage an amalgamation voluntary on 
both sides, disperse all the free negroes waiting to 
be impressed into the Christianization of Africa, 
and banish from the world all these glorious hospi- 
talities ? Surely this is not democratic. 

For my part, I shall adhere to the compromises 



136 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

of the Constitution. I tremble at the thought of 
any other amalgamation than such as is patronized 
by Slaveholders ; and, as a good democrat, I stand 
inexorably opposed to the extension of liberty any 
farther than they will sanction, or in any direction 
not pleasing to them. 

When the Doughface had written this letter, he 
read it to his host, who expressed his decided ap- 
probation of it. Only he felt a delicacy in having 
any thing mentioned about his hospitality; because, 
said he, the Labor of our slaves pays the expense of our 
hospitality, and it costs us nothing. We dislike to 
boast of it. 

You need have no concern on that point, said his 
guest. There is such an exalted conception of 
Slaveholders' hospitality prevailing in the North, 
that none but fanatical abolitionists stop to inquire 
who endures the sacrifice that feeds it. Certainly, 
I never before dreamed that the slave could claim 
the honor of it, and even now I think there must be 
some way to credit it to the Slaveholder's account. 

So the letter was sent into the North, and pub- 
lished, with editorial commendations. And the 
host and his guest ftait^red themselves that it 
would end all controversy 'abs>'*t SJa-veiy, wherever 
it might be read. 



XXXV. 

THE KITCHEN SLAVE. 

Not every Southern G-entleman dares to bring all his Children 
into the parlor. 

On the banks of a southern river, lived a Slave- 
holder noted for his hospitality, for whom a large 
plantation, and a multitude of toiling bondmen, 
made unbounded hospitality anything but a sacri- 
fice. He lived in courtly splendor. A noble man- 
sion sheltered his family, beautiful gardens and 
parks gratified his taste, carriages and horses were 
ready at his call, and troops of servants obeyed his 
command. He was a king in all but the name. 

To the residence of this Slaveholder came a visi- 
tor from the North. He was kindly and politely 
received, and every attention was paid him, which 
it was in the power of southern chivalry to show. 
In particular did the host endeavor to make his 
guest understand how happy and contented were 
the slaves that thronged the plantation, and what 
mighty triumphs Christianity had gained among 
them. 

Said the host: I not only instruct them in the 
precepts of our holy religion, but I try to set before 
them an attractive example in my own conduct. 
12 (137) 



138 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES; 

As our laws wisely forbid teaching them to read, I 
cull out appropriate texts and chapters from the 
Bible, and read them in their hearing, and then 
comment upon them in language adapted to their 
capacities. I generally select such portions oi 
Scripture as tend to make them satisfied with their 
condition, and such as beget a spirit of submission 
to the severer dispensations of Providence. When 
I desire to expand their minds, I read chapters like 
the first in Matthew, the eighth in first Chronicles, 
and similar ones, which are peculiarly adapted to 
the wants of servants, and not at all incendiary. 
In the cultivation of their moral sentiments, we 
labor under some disadvantages. As the institution 
is at bottom a patriarchate, certain features pecu- 
liar to the ancient models, must necessarily appear 
among us. Thus we expand the marriage relation 
at each end, making it both polygamic and poly- 
andric — admitting the husband to have many wives, 
and likewise the wife to have many husbands. In 
this way we multiply our slaves at pleasure, and 
can sell the young without much injury to the feel- 
ings of the parent. We do not strictly break up 
families, because our slaves are not so much unit- 
ed in families, as in herds. But the marriage rela- 
tion being thus liberal in its requirements, there is 
needed an astonishing amount of instruction and 
moral example on the part of the masters, to keep 
our property from multiplying faster than any pa- 
triarch's. Often, indeed, the master, struggling 
like a hero to restrict the too luxuriant growth of 
the polygamic institution, loses his foothold, and 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 130 

presents a moral example directly the reverse of 
what a rigid continence would demand. But 
through that happy system of compensation per- 
vading nature, to atone for the master's inconti- 
nence, our plantations are sprinkled with a popula- 
tion whose features present proof at once of that 
master's great temptations, and of the most effulgent 
beauties of polygamy. 

As the guest here hinted that this language was 
not altogether intelligible to him, the Slaveholder 
rose, and led him from the parlor to a kitchen at a 
little distance from the house, in which sat a little 
boy whose face bore an unmistakable resemblance 
to the master of the mansion, and in whose com- 
plexion were mingled the colors of two different 
races. 

Gazing for a moment at the boy, the guest in- 
quired why his host did not adopt him openly as a 
son, and admit him with his other children to the 
parlor. 

If I had my pleasure in the matter, said the 
Slaveholder, I should do so; but ever since this boy 
first appeared, a strange sickness and decline seems 
to have afflicted my lady, and she is annoyed with 
the sight of him. She says little about the boy, 
but she hates him, and in some manner his pres- 
ence is connected with her sickness, and I dare not 
bring him into the parlor, and so I keep him in the 
kitchen. Besides, though most of my neighbors, 
like myself, have children of this boy's complexion, 
we all feel a dislike to having them seen. For 
though they are valuable property as well as chil- 



140 LEAYEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

dren, that peculiar sense of propriety which grows 
out of the prevalence of monogamic marriage, is 
in a degree outraged by their presence. Indeed, it 
is nothing but the consolation derived from the 
thought that we are imitating the patriarchs, and 
the prospect of converting such children into mon- 
ey, that could reconcile us to the inconvenience 
of rearing them on the saime plantation with the 
pure white ones. However, the saints must expect 
trials in this world. 

Before the northern guest could recover from his 
surprise at this speech, they returned to the parlor, 
when a little bell was rung, and the wife of the 
host entered with her children. Then the host 
closed the evening with devotional exercises. 



XXXVI. 

THE PRESIDENTIAL CATECHISM. 

A Democratic Candidate for the Presidency should aim to 
establish and perpetuate Slaverv as a National Institution. 

In the Great Republic, the People had become so 
servile, that instead of voting directly for him who 
was most worthy of the chief magistracy, they gave 
their suffrages for whomever their party leaders 
selected, however much they might dislike him, or 
even though they might think him incompetent to 
fill the office with dignity. This state of things had 
been brought about by the office-mongers, who man- 
aged to govern the People by dividing them into 
parties, and inspiring them with bitter animosities, 
so that a perpetual fear of being beaten by the op- 
posite faction in the struggle for the public offices, 
made nearly every man in the land follow his 
leaders to sustain any measure however wrong, or 
however anti-democrat. When a candidate was 
brought forward, the People did not ask themselves: 
Is he a good man? Is the principle which he repre- 
sents just and right? but they inquired: Did my 
party-leaders nominate him? If assured of this, 

(111) 



142 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHl^ACES. 

they voted for him without hesitation, and never 
questioned the infalUbility of their leaders. 

The People being in this condition of bitter par- 
tisa,n antagonism, the Slaveholders with whom they 
had entered into a compact of union, took advan- 
tage of the party strife to subject them to entire 
servitude. Their method was this — to propose a 
measure to one party injurious to the liberties 
of the People, and if the party to which the mea- 
sure was proposed, rejected it, they would then 
threaten secession to their opponents ; and thus by 
alternately bribing and menacing both, they would 
compel the party-leaders step by step to adopt 
principles destructive of all liberty. By this pro- 
cess of discipline they had trained up a set of poli- 
ticians so thoroughly indifferent to the welfare of 
the People as to scruple at nothing which the 
Slaveholders proposed, and who would not even 
bring out a candidate who had not first pledged 
himself to administer the government for the per- 
petuation, and greatest possible extension of 
Slavery. 

While the People were thus submissive to their 
party-leaders, and these latter, to the Slaveholders, 
a convention assembled to nominate a candidate 
for the Presidenc}". And when all things were 
ready, the leaders in private conclave produced 
their expected nominee to have him examined by 
the proper judges of political merits. 

Then a Slaveholder took a seat, and causing the 
aspirant for office to stand up before him read to 
him the National Catechism in these words : 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 143 

Will you, if elected, do all in your power to 
make the Government an organ for Slaveholders 
rather than for the People? 

Will you, if elected, endeavor to make Slavery 
a national institution by gradually thrusting it into 
the free states, and by perpetuating a Fugitive 
Slave Law? 

Will you, if elected, enforce all the compromises 
of the Constitution which favor Slavery, and disre- 
gard those which favor the People? 

Will you, if elected, appoint Slaveholders to so 
many of the principal offices, as to have the admin- 
istration truly favorable to Slavery? 

Will you, if elected, endeavor to rob the People 
of all their territory sacred to liberty, and in the 
name of Popular Sovereignty deliver it over to 
Slaveholders? 

Will you, if elected, favor the extension of the 
Republic southward, but constantly oppose its 
extension northward? 

Will you, if elected, connive at military expedi- 
tions for the purpose of first robbing foreign terri- 
tory, and then subjecting it to Slavery? 

Will you, if elected, favor the disbursing of pub- 
lic monies in the slaveholding section of the Union, 
and oppose as much as possible, their disbursement 
in the non-slaveholding section? 

Will you, if elected, in case of a vacancy in the 
National Judiciary, appoint only the tried friends of 
Slavery to- that important station? 

Will you, if elected, do all these things in the 
name of Democracy? 



144 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Then the happy aspirant, straightening hiniself 
up, answered: 

If the questions just proposed to me had been 
precepts instead of interrogatories, I should call 
them the very decalogue of Democracy. They are, 
at least, a safe chart for a democratic President. 
1 rejoice to find myself among men who understand 
so well how to manage the People. It is not 
by doing the things which advance their welfare 
that one gains their confidence, but by pretend- 
ing to democracy, and at the same time using 
them to overthrow their own liberties. ' Their 
proper position is that of servitude, and I should 
labor with unflagging zeal, if elected, to bring them 
to that condition. Of course, I would begin with 
extravagant professions of democracy, for under 
such professions the People would suspect nothing. 
Next I would favor the monopoly of the soil of the 
territories by Slaveholders ; and then going on 
quietly, I would secure a judicial decision from the 
High Court of the nation, allowing a permanent 
residence of masters with their slaves within the 
bounds of the free states. To carry the first meas- 
ure through, a steady cry of Popular Sovereignty 
would be needed for some time ; and, in general, 
we might say, the more thoroughly outrageous our 
measures, the more prolonged and far-echoing 
should be our shouting for democrac}^ In the 
midst of such an infernal din as I would propose to 
make, the People would be compelled, through the 
sheer force of noise and confusion, to yield to our 
measures. Should they, however, become suspi- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUOnFACES. 145 

cious of US, we might occasionally raise terrific 
rurnors of war to divert their attention; or perhaps 
we might actually plunge into a war with some 
nation that does not buy our cotton, or which is too 
weak to beat the People we ride. There would be 
magnificent laurels to be won in such a war, and 
their greenness would be exceedingly pleasant to 
behold, long after the return of peace. You will 
excuse my alluding to such an event, but 1 have a 
passion for laurels. 

I need not assure you that to every one of the 
above questions, 1 answer decidedly in the affirma- 
tive. I have only to request that the interrogato- 
ries propounded to me, by an amendment of the 
Constitution, be required to be put to every candi- 
date for the Presidency. 

After hearing this favorable response, the Slave- 
holders gave their consent to his nomination, and 
the party-leaders hoisted him at once on the backs 
of the People. 

13 



XXXVII. 

THE REYIYAL IN THE SOUTH. 

In the South, there are tv/o G-ospels preached; one for the 
Master, and the other for the Slave. 

In the Church of the Hermitage there once oc- 
curred a great revival of religion. For a preacher, 
full of zeal for souls, and for the possessions of an 
heiress resident in the vicinity, came into the pre- 
cinct, and by his eloquence drew crowds together 
from all quarters. And many planters came in 
carriages, bringing wives and daughters, and 
listened to the Gospel. And as the interest in the 
matter of their salvation grew stronger and deeper, 
many of the planters became converts, and re- 
joiced in the discovery of it. Day after day, the 
house resounded with the alternate weeping and 
shouting of the planters, and of their wives and 
children, and many prayers were put up which 
could be heard afar off. But while the planters 
and their families were thus intent upon their soul's 
salvation, and daily rejoicing in the ministra- 
tions of the word, the drivers of the carriages, who 
were slaves, sat without the house holding their 
horses, or played at marbles beneath the shade of 

the tulip-trees which grew about the church. 
(146) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 147 

Now it chanced when the revival was at its 
height, that a Northern Stranger was passing the 
sanctuary, and hearing the loud prayers of the 
preacher, drew near to one of the doors, and look- 
ing in he saw the tears of the hearers, and heard 
their sobbing. Listening to the words of the 
preacher, he soon discovered that a great anxiety 
for salvation in the next world had occasioned the 
weeping. But looking out beneath the tulip-trees, 
he was astonished to see some of the slaves who 
had driven the carriages, engaged in lively sport 
with their marbles. For he thought from the in- 
terest manifested by the audience, that the slaves 
must be in imminent peril, being so unconcerned. 
The more he considered the matter, the more he 
was perplexed; when stepping up to one standing 
like himself without the door, but who appeared 
too poorly clad to be the owner of any of the slaves, 
he asked the reason why the anxiety for salvation 
did not get out beneath the tulip-trees. Then the 
non-slaveholder said : I clearly see, O stranger, 
that you are not acquainted with our manners and 
customs, and that you notice many things which a 
native would never observe. Every Sunday, and in 
the times of a revival, may slaves be seen here, 
either at play with their marbles, or holding their 
horses, while their masters are within listening to 
the word. But it attracts little attention, for the 
custom has nothing singular in it to us. The 
reason of it is this: We have among us two Gos- 
pels, one for the masters, and another for the 
slaves. At least, I think it must be so. For when- 



148 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

ever a preacher comes here, he is sure to set the 
Gospel net for the masters first, and then for the 
slaves; whether it is because they are the greatest 
sinners, or only the richest, it is hard to tell. After 
the masters have been pretty well harried, they 
turn to the slaves and preach a Gospel which is 
comprised in a single precept : Servants obey your 
masters. And as conformity to this precept is 
thought all-sufficient for their salvation, the preach- 
ers generally allow the slaves at this church to 
play ai marbles, while they occupy themselves with 
the more laborious task of saving their owners. 

By w4iich Gospel do you expect to be saved 
yourself? said the Stranger. 

Indeed, replied the other laughing, I hardly 
know. Belonging to neither class, we who hold 
no slaves must await, methinks, the preaching of a 
new Gospel, or, if we enter heaven at all, must try 
to WTing in with the slaves, by the operation of 
some celestial three-fifths rule, which will let in 
fellows who have no just title. For I hear that a 
good part of our Slaveholders enter Congress that 
way, and expect to enter glory by a similar rule. 
But if you wish to know why the master's Gospel is 
not preached to the slaves, you would better in- 
quire of the preacher himself. 

So the Stranger waited till the congregation was 
dismissed, and taking the preacher aside, he in- 
quired why he was not as zealous for the salvation 
of the slaves without the door, as for their masters 
who sat within. 

Then said the Preacher : We cannot preach the 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 149 

Gospel which commands all men to love one an- 
other as brethren, to masters and slaves together. 
For do you not see that such a Gospel would de- 
stroy the master's authority, making the master a 
brother of the slave, and the slave an equal of his 
master ? We therefore accomodate it to the tastes 
of the masters, and give it such a coloring that it 
may not in the least prejudice the relation be- 
tween them. So we tell the master, that if he is 
not baptized, and does not repent, and join the 
Church, he must be damned ; but we do not tell 
him that he will be damned, if he does not treat 
his slave as a brother. Most of us preachers who 
own no slaves, know this to be true, but we do 
hate to say so ; while the slaveholding preachers 
have forgotten that it is true. And, therefore, the 
Gospel we preach is a little different from what it 
was when it was in the keeping of the Apostles. 
But we get along very smoothly with ours. For 
with it, we get a full church and a well supported 
ministry. It seems to me, that when the alternative 
lies between preaching a diluted Gospel to a full 
church, and the pure Gospel to a small one, we 
should choose the large church and the diluted Gos- 
pel. Having thus provided the masters with spir- 
itual food, we have but one word left for the slave 
— Obedience. We teach that his only path to 
heaven lies through entire submission to his master. 
You see, therefore, why we feel no concern for 
these slaves here without the door. They do not 
constitute the Church which we aspire to build up. 
Their salvation is not of much consequence to us, 
nor to the Lord's kingdom, as we understand it. 



150 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

When the Northern Stranger had heard this ex- 
planation, he mounted his horse, and returning to 
the highway, resumed his journey, wondering with- 
in himself whether there is any limit to man's 
capacity for hypocrisy. But the preacher continued 
the revival, till he had converted most of the neigh- 
boring planters, and finally became converted him- 
self, into a master on the plantation of the beauti- 
ful heiress, where he applied the precepts of the 
Gospel in the most novel manner. 



XXXVIII. 

THE SORE THROAT. 

Democratic Senators do not prosper by speaking the Truth. 

A MEMBER of the American Senate, distinguished 
for his talent and servility to the Slave Power, 
though not marked for his corporeal bulk, was 
seized, during a recess of Congress, with a purulent 
sore throat, which affected his tongue, and became 
so violent a disease as to require the attendance 
of several physicians. Each examined the mouth 
and throat to see, if possible, what had been the 
cause of the soreness, and to remove it by an appli- 
cation of the proper remedies. One expressed 
his opinion as to the cause, and another gave a 
different explanation, and still another differed 
from the rest, and they were very much perplexed, 
both with the disease itself and with their own 
disagreements about its cause. 

But after the Senator had heard all their explan- 
ations, he very naively asked them whether lying 
ever brought on the sore throat. And when they 
answered that they had read of many causes for 
that disease, but had never suspected that l^'ing 

could produce it, the Senator said : 

(151) 



152 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Nev<:rtheless, I imagine that is the real cause of 
my gickness. You probably know, gentleman, that 
I am very much in want of the Presidency. I have 
been aiming for it ever since I came into political 
life. But as I perceived that the only way to reach 
that high office was by courting the favor of those 
who had it in their gift, I fell to advocating the 
measures of the Slaveholders. Now their plans 
cannot succeed by a public advocacy unless the 
advocate become a vigorous liar. So as soon as I 
saw what was requisite to my success, I set about 
the cultivation of lying as an art, and I have 
attained in it an unexpected proficiency. But, sin- 
gular as it may seem, from the very first day in 
which I commenced my career till now, I have not 
produced a single round and plump lie, that has 
not been followed by an attack of sore throat. 
And even my slight mis-representations, have 
brought on the same complaint. I know that I am 
right, for the two things have so long happened to- 
gether, that I know there must be some connection 
of cause and effect between them, and j^ou need 
not attempt to convince me to the contrary. But 
just give me a remedy which may reach a disease 
produced by so singular a cause. 

Then answered one of the physicians, smiling : 
If the case is as you say, and if lying is the real 
cause of your disease, why not try speaking the 
truth? That would be tlie allopathic remedy. 

Ah, gentlemen, said the Senator, in such a case 
as this I should prefer the homoeopathic practice, 
miwis the small doses. How can you recommend 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 153 

to me in the present aspect of m}" political fortunes 
to speak the truth? Am I not a democratic Senator? 
Was I not chief actor in the robbery of the People 
of their Great Territory? And can that grand 
scheme of exalting the Slave Power above the 
People succeed fully, without further fraud and 
lying? Certainly not. But even my ordinary 
duties as democratic statesman forbid an abandon- 
ment of my high art in which I have acquired so 
much skill. To lead the portion of the People with 
whom I act, the most refined and persistent lying is 
a matter of necessity. Lies are the staple of their 
knowledge — lies about every thing — lies about the 
heavens — lies about the earth — lies about the things 
under the earth — and above all, lies about their 
leaders' political doings, which belong neither to 
heaven nor earth, are incessantly and clamorously 
demanded. You know not what it is to be a dem- 
ocratic statesman. Then to crown all, 1 don't love 
the truth any too well in my natural condition. 
And if lying has made my throat sore, would not 
an attempt to speak the truth prove absolutely 
fatal to me? I know it would be fatal to my polit- 
ical prospects. No, gentlemen; speaking the truth 
cannot cure my disease. 

Upon hearing this, the physicians macerated the 
worthy Senator's second Kansas Bill, and making 
it into a poultice bound it about his neck. And, 
wearing this for a few days, he entirely recovered, 
being cured by the principle — similia similibus. 



XXXIX. 

THE DOUaHFACE APPROVED. 

A Doughface aspires to nothing higher than the approbation 
of a Slaveholder 

A Doughface who lived on the bank of the beau- 
tiful river which separates certain slave states ot 
the Great Republic from others that are free, on 
account of suspicions that had been cast on the 
purity of his democracy, became very much con- 
cerned to have it put to a trial, and stamped with 
approbation by a competent judge. So entering 
a light canoe he rowed across the river to the res- 
idence of a Slaveholder, whom he considered quite 
adequate to examine him, and whose public ap- 
proval he knew would remove all doubts from his 
own mind, and make him pass current as a genuine 
democrat wherever he might go. When he had 
announced the object of his visit, the Slaveholder 
complimented him highly, and taking him to a 
tavern near by, gave him somewhat wherewith to 
strengthen his resolution, and in the presence of a 
crowd of by-standers they sat down to the examin- 
ation. 

In order, said the Slaveholder, that I may test 

your democracy in the best possible manner, it will 
(154) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 155 

be necessary for you to respond to a few interroga- 
tories. Your answers will bring out your demo- 
cratic virtue, as the questions I intend to propose 
are general, and smack of nationality. 

Said the Slaveholder: Do you know why you are 
a democrat? 

The Doughface answered: I do not. I never 
make it a practice to understand the reason of my 
pohtical action. I am connected with my party by 
a kind of instinct, and natural sympathy with every 
thing mean and base. It is not natui-al for a dem- 
ocrat to be governed by reason in acting with his 
party. It is enough for him to follow where others 
lead. 

Said the Slaveholder: Do you ever doubt the 
honesty of your party-leaders? 

Never, said the Doughface. The honesty and 
patriotism of our party-leaders are considered by 
ordinary democrats, a matter which can never be 
questioned. 

Said the Slaveholder: What do you understand 
by patriotism ? 

The Doughface answered : I have no very defin- 
ite ideas about it, but as far as I can understand, 
patriotism is devotion to the party and the party- 
leaders, right or wrong. 

Then the Slaveholder asked : What do you un- 
derstand by the terms liberty and democracy ? 

The Doughface replied : I understand by liberty^ 
the privilege of a few men to govern and own large 
masses of their fellow-beings; and by democracy, the 
support of such liberty by party organizations. 



156 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHrACES. 

What do you understand, said the Slaveholder, 
by the terms Justice and Truth? 

Said the Doughface: The words convey no 
meaning to my mind. 

Said the Slaveholder. What do you understand 
by Popular Sovereignty? 

The Doughface answered: It is the government 
of Non-Slaveholders in one community, by the 
Slaveholders in another. 

Then the Slaveholder asked: Do you believe 
men like me to be the highest style of man? 

I do, said the Doughface. 

Said the Slaveholder: Do you believe the gov- 
ernment of the Union should always be in our 
keeping? 

I do, said the Doughface > 

Said the Slaveholder : Do you approve of ex- 
tending the area of Freedom? 

1 do, said the Doughface, if it be not extended 
northward ; and if Slavery can be introduced into 
territory where it has never been, and not endan- 
gered where it already exists. 

Then asked the Slaveholder : Is there an}^ meas- 
ure which Slaveholders can propose, which you 
would not submit to, if your party-leaders gave it 
their sanction? 

None whatever, said the Doughface; his party- 
leaders' approval of a measure, is always a good 
democrat's final reason to approve the same thing. 

Do you feel it an honor, said the questioner, to 
be politically allied with Slaveholders, and to have 
them for your party-leaders? 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 157 

1 do, said the Doughface ; I feel it to be the 
greatest of honors. 

Would you pursue for us our fugitive slaves, 
said the questioner, wherever blood-hounds are 
scarce? 

With alacrity, said the Doughface. 

If Non-Slaveholders, said the other, should en- 
deavor to combine in order to restrict our control 
of the People and our Slaves, what would you do? 

Said the Doughface : I would point them to their 
constitutional obligations, tell them of the danger 
of a dissolution of the Union, and cry democracy 
at the top of my voice. 

Do you believe, said the Slaveholder, in Polyg- 
amy, and Involuntary Amalgamation as national 
institutions. 

Save Democracy, said the Doughface, I believe 
in nothing else. 

Then the Slaveholder, taking the Doughface by 
the hand, made him stand on his feet, and turning 
to the by-standers, he said : Here is a Democrat 
approved. He knows nothing of Justice and Truth; 
he swears by the last word of his party-leaders; 
he believes in a liberty limited by Slavery, and a 
democracy in wnich the many are governed by the 
few; in a Popular Sovereignty in which non-slave- 
holding communities are governed by Slaveholders; 
in Polygamy and Involuntary Amalgamation as 
national institutions ; and he professes himself 
ready to hunt our fugitive slaves. What more 
could be demanded of him? It is by the aid of 
such creatures as this, that we govern both slaves 



158 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

and the People. May his race be numeroas, and 
long-lived! May they multiply like the lice of 
Egypt ! Once more, in the presence of you ail, I 
pronounce him a genuine democrat. 

Then the by-standers arose and led him to the 
bank of the river. And the Doughface descending 
into his light canoe, paddled home again, rejoicing 
that after so thorough and public an examination, 
there could be no further doubt of his democracy. 



I 



■^rzfS^j^^^- 




^ 



I 1 




i 



i 



THE PURIFIED Iv^IL BAGS. 




?^ 



(^^ 



■^^^H^^- 




X 



XL. 

THE PUEIFIED MAIL BAGS. 

The passage of Anti-Slavery papers throngh a Slave State is 
dangerous to free institutions. 

In a slave state of the Model Republic there was 
a town whose inhabitants were zealous above 
measure in perpetuating human bondage. They 
labored for nothing so much as the extension of it 
to the virgin territories of the Republic, and they 
were ever on the alert to discover dangers to the 
institution. Through this place there passed 
weekly the national mail, bearing its wonted bur- 
den of letters and papers. But it had become an 
object of extreme terror to these guardians of Slav- 
ery, as they believed that incendiary documents 
often passed in it. Some of their leaders therefore 
\^Tote to the chief Master of the Posts, and stated 
their fears, and the imminent danger to the coun- 
try from the transit of matter so combustible. He 
wrote in reply as follows: 

You did well to write me on a subject of such 
grave importance. I have myself been greatly 
exercised at the thought of the risk to which our 
free institutions are exposed by the contagious pres- 
ence of anti-slavery papers, and their general cir- 
14 (161) 



162 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

culation. I see danger in all documents of that 
kind. It is not so much from the slaves that the 
danger is to be feared, as from our white non- 
slaveholding population. The institutions of the 
South rest as truly on their backs, as on the backs 
of our slaves. But they do not know it. They 
think it an honor and an advantage to themselves 
as yet, to aid us in holding our human property in 
servitude. But they are themselves impoverished 
by the system, and reduced nearly to the level of 
slaves. Now this truth, the anti-slavery papers and 
documents which pass to and fro in the mail, are 
constantly declaring and explaining. If these docu- 
ments, therefore, should obtain circulation among 
our Non-Slaveholders, we, who at present control 
them and our slaves together, would find our power 
speedily shaken. For discovering Slavery to be 
prejudicial to them, they would at once apply the 
torch of emancipation, and the edifice of our ow^n 
freedom would soon be in a conflagration which 
nothing could extinguish. Slave-breeding, Concu- 
binage, and Amalgamation, which are the jewels of 
our free institutions, would soon disappear, and 
there would be nothing left among us but Justice 
and Equal Rights. Can a Slaveholder look for- 
ward to such results with any feelings but those ol 
horror and alarm? There is nothing we have so 
much to dread as the triumph of Justice and Truth. 
May the Lord save us from anything of the kind ! 

But that I may do my duty to prevent these con- 
sequences, I hereby authorize all Post-Masters to 
open the mails, and take from them all incendiary 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 163 

matter, by which I mean, all matter bringing in 
question the right of slaveholdlng. It is well 
enough for northern people to pay most of our pos- 
tage, and keep up the postal system for us, but it 
is not well that they should send through the South 
anti-slavery papers. A single one might be the 
occasion of suddenly revealing to our non-slave- 
holding population their true position, and thus 
endangering our power, or it might open the way 
to Canada, to hundreds of our servants. 

Please, therefore, to keep a careful watch of the 
mails, and suffer none of this incendiary matter to 
circulate in the South, lest her chivalrous sons 
awake some sunny morning, and find themselves 
surrounded by thousands of emancipated slaves, 
the wrecks of our glorious Union! I write under 
most painful apprehensions. 

Now when this missive was received, a crowd 
gathered upon the arrival of the next mail, and 
seizing the bags they carried them forth into a pub- 
lic square, and emptying them they found two 
doubtful documents, which were opened and read 
in the hearing of all. And one proved to be a little 
pamphlet by the American Tract Society. This 
was carefully replaced in the mail, for there was 
nothing in it they thought tending to establish Jus- 
tice. The other was a printed copy of the Declar- 
ation of Independence, which was also read as far 
as these words : We hold these truths to be self- 
evident, that all men are created equal, and are 
possessed of certain inalienable rights — when the 
crowd shouted at once: That is an abolition paper! 



164 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Then taking it out they kindled a great fire, and 
with loud cries and rejoicings burned it to ashes. 

So the mail-bags were purified, and that night 
the crowd slept soundly, for the Union had been 
saved. 



XLI. 

THE DISTRESSED SEMINARY. 

Slaves may be sold to support the Gospel. 

The directors of a Theological Seminary in the 
South, founded for the spread of the Gospel of 
peace and love, were wont to loan its funds in such 
a way as to bring in a sure annual income to its 
corps of teachers. And as the best security in that 
region for money loaned was slaves, they lent a 
portion of the funds of the institution on a mort- 
gage of eight human beings. Time passed, and 
the borrower, being unsuccessful in business, was 
unable either to pay the interest or restore the 
principal. The directors of the Seminary, perceiv- 
ing the state of affairs, held a council to decide 
upon the action necessary to pursue ; for they be- 
gan to fear that there might be an utter loss of the 
money, unless they had recourse to the law. Then 
one of them who had much experience in such 
matters gave this advice : 

Our Seminary, brethren, was founded for the 
spread of the Gospel. But the Gospel cannot be 
proclaimed unless teachers be instructed, and a 
ministry be supported to divide the word rightly, 
and in accordance with the standard set by the 

(165) 



166 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Apostles. Now a ministry must be prepared by 
theological training, for the preachers of the word 
cannot, as in the days of the Apostles, receive 
inspiration directly from God, as he has now no 
direct contact with the human intellect. And, 
therefore, theological seminaries are founded to 
supply the want of inspiration, and by a sifting of 
the letter of Scripture, to discover the only right 
path to salvation. For the Gospel is not now so 
much a proclamation of glad tidings, as a gloomy 
message touching the awful hazards to which one 
is exposed after death by simply being born a 
man; and its function is to awaken men to a due 
sense of their danger from God. 

To raise up preachers of such a Gospel is the 
object of our Seminary. But we cannot instruct 
and prepare preachers, unless the revenue of the 
Seminary is steadily supplied. The stream of 
money must be constant, or our Gospel will not be 
preached. The means of grace are not divine 
influences alone, but a little money likewise. Do 
you not see what is our duty in the present emer- 
gency? Our creditor cannot pay, but we have a 
mortgage on eight of his slaves. It is clear that 
the slaves should be sold at auction. And though 
by so doing we sacrifice the slaves, we do it to sub- 
serve the necessities of the preached word. This 
is perfectly right. For see how the case stands. 
No money regularly paid in, there is no longer any 
theological seminary; if no seminary of theology, 
no Gospel preachers; no preachers, no salvation of 
the world. My heart bleeds, brethren, when I 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 167 

think of a world lying in wickedness, and of the 
heathen in foreign lands who are going down an- 
nually to perdition by the million! I am not so 
much distressed for our own heathen, for I know 
that for every soul of them lost, there are many 
bales of cotton saved to our planters; and perhaps 
the making of the cotton will be counted to them 
for righteousness. But as for those foreign heath- 
en, they are in imminent danger of falling into the 
hands of God. Now as it was to prevent this dan- 
ger, that we are permitted to be stewards of the 
Gospel, a faithful stewardship and the wants of our 
Seminary command a public sale. There seems to 
me, too, a beautiful dispensation of Providence 
here, in the bare fact of our selling our own heath- 
en for the redemption of those abroad. What an 
affecting tale, also, will our missionaries be able to 
relate to those distant heathen, that they could 
never have been preachers, had not the liberty and 
happiness of eight human beings been sacrificed 
for life, in order to equip them for their mission. 
This simple story would give them a very vivid 
sense of the worth and costliness of the Gospel, and 
of the overwhelming necessity of an application of 
its grace to their souls. 

Then another of the directors said: Never before 
have I had so clear an illustration of the things 
which it is lawful to do, to sustain the Gospel, and 
1 never understood till now, how it is that good is 
brought out of evil. 

New^ truths, said the former, are always being 
revealed to the minds of the saints. 



168 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Now after they had taken counsel together, as is 
above related, the directors voted unanimously that 
the mortgage should be foreclosed. So the slaves 
were sold, and the money went into the treasury 
of the Seminary. 



XLII. 

THE RESTITUTION. 

The Union v/ill indemnify the Slaveholder against the loss of 
unborn Slave Babies, 

In a southern state, during the revolution which 
severed the united colonies from the mother coun- 
try, many Slaveholders lost valuable property ; 
some lost horses; some, oxen; others, slaves. Long 
after the revolution, and after the establishment of 
a union between the Slaveholders and the People, 
the descendants of those sufferers finding tlie Gov- 
ernment very pliant in satisfying the demands of 
the ruling party to the Union, petitioned the na- 
tional Congress for indemnification for losses sus- 
tained by their ancestors through ths depredations 
of Indians. Now the Union owed the descendants 
of the predatory Indians certain monies. To do 
justice, therefore, and to pay Slaveholders for the 
losses of their dead fathers, the functionaries ap- 
pointed by Congress withheld from the living In- 
dians a sum sufficient, as they thought, to satisfy the 
claimants. But when the Grovernment came to 
settle with these claimants, it was found that their 
demands did not amount, by many thousands of dol- 
15 (169) 



170 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

lars, to the sum reserved to pay them. As, how- 
ever, the ancestors of the petitioners had lost fe- 
male slaves, a method was discovered by which their 
claims could be made to swell so as to cover the 
whole sum reserved. And an admirable document 
preserved in the archives of Congress, sets forth in 
brief terms this general method of expanding Slave- 
holders' claims. It reads in this wise: 

It is not usual for your honorable body to count 
birds, and appraise their value, before they are 
hatched. But there are cases in which an estimate 
of this kind should be made in order to perpetuate 
our free institutions, and keep alive a sound democ- 
racy. If a Slaveholder possesses a parturient fe- 
male slave, he no longer regards the adage which 
would dissuade from counting unhatched birds, as 
either wise or witty. Indeed, he counts upon birds 
from the very moment such property comes under 
his control. Standing in no childish fear of amal- 
gamation, his calculations upon an increase of prop- 
erty so seldom fail, that the adage mentioned is 
in general discredit throughout the slaveholding 
region. We not only set a price on the babe that is 
horn, but upon abstract and barely possible ones. 
These possibilities, like railroad stocks, have a 
market price which can be estimated with as much 
certainty as any other species of securities. Your 
honorable body should recollect that we, the flower 
of American Nobility, not only traffic in live babies, 
but in these possible ones, which are a kind of in- 
corporeal hereditament; and as we are patrons of 
Polygamy and Concubinage, you can easily im- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 171 

agine how it is that our calculations regarding un- 
hatched birds seldom fail. We give our profoundest 
studies to the subject o^ possible, personal, real, and 
mixed property; and we can show abundance of 
samples under each kind. In computing the value 
of a parturient slave, therefore, we add to the value 
of the mother that of her possible ofFt^pring, and 
the sum is her market price. 

In the case of the claimants whose petition is now 
before us, there was a loss by their ancestors of 
parturient slaves. Those ancestors, therefore, lost 
a great number of possible, unborn babies; and if 
the ancestors were entitled to this species of prop- 
erty, surely their descendants should be indem- 
nified for the loss. 

We would recommend that a computation of the 
value of these possible babies be made, and that 
the sum with interest be paid to the petitioners. By 
so doing we not only do justice to them, but we 
establish a great and beneficent principle as a rule 
of national action, to wit, that the Government will 
always indemnify SlaveJiolders for the unborn slave 
babies lost by their ancestors in war, whenever it can 
be done by appropriating to that end inonles due In- 
dians. We know of no rule for political action so 
brilliantly just, or so thoroughly democratic. The 
setting a market value on our unborn children, is 
a spectacle which must inevitably attract the admi- 
ration of the world, and must give to democratic 
principles an impetus which no language can de- 
scribe. 

As to the Indians to whom this balance would 



172 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

belong if the loss of actual property were alone 
taken into account, we think that in comparison 
with the restitution of unborn, and barely possible 
babies, to the heirs of their original owners, all rights 
to real property of any description, sink into abso- 
lute insignificance. Besides, neither Justice, nor 
Democracy requires any very nice regard fi*om Con- 
gress to the rights of an Indian, or a Negro. Abso- 
lute justice, and democracy without alloy concern 
onl}^ the Anglo-Saxon white Slaveholder. 

Your committee would recommend that the orig- 
inal claim of these petitioners to indemnification for 
the losses of their ancestors, be so far expanded on 
the basis of their title to unborn babies, as to in- 
clude the surplus, which, on principles of vulgar 
justice would naturally belong to the Indians, and 
for which they may some day petition. 

When Congress had heard this lucid report, being 
mostly from the North, they were entirely overcome 
by its logic, and promptly passed a bill granting the 
claim of the petitioners. 



XLIII. 

THE DOUGHFACE RELIEVED. 

Ameiican Democracy prefers Inyoluntary to Voluntary Amal- 
gamation. 

A PROFESSED Democrat in a public house near the 
borders of the free states, was inveighing against 
the Abolitionists, and enumerating to the astonished 
by-standers their projects against liberty, and the 
evil things which they encouraged. 

Said he : There is one practice which the Abo- 
litionists advocate and sanction, which is most 
monstrous, I mean — Amalgamation. They are 
aiming to make this whole people a mongrel na- 
tion, in which neither a pure white nor a pure black 
can be found. To bring this about, they would 
legalize marriage between the two races. Now if 
this relation between the races were sanctioned by 
custom, that divinely implanted prejudice against 
the black color and the African, which from the 
foundation of the world the Deity designed should 
grace the moral character of the North American 
Anglo-Saxon, would soon disappear, and the affin- 
ities between white and black would become so 
strong as utterly to abolish marriages of whites 
with whites, and blacks with blacks. Then we 

(173) 



174 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

should see whole platoons of white ladies marching 
South in search of colored gentlemen, and regi- 
ments of white gentlemen ransacking every south- 
ern kitchen in quest of colored women. I need not 
say what violent heart-burnings, jealousies, and 
dissensions between North and South would burst 
forth when such things shall occur ! But in addi- 
tion to ail this, we all know, on the testimony of 
distinguished ethnologists, that an antipathy so 
murderous naturally exists between the two races, 
that if both \vere free, they could not form one 
community without incessant war and bloodshed. 
Who does not see now that if the marriage tie were 
once legalized between them, this murderous an- 
tipathy would suddenly vanish in a perfect tohu 
vahohii of connubial felicity and universal amalga- 
mation? I am tortured with awful apprehensions 
in view of these probable results. 

Then a Slaveholder, sitting by, said to the Demo- 
crat : I am surprised to find such candor, and such 
an example of clear prophetic vision in a Non- 
Slaveholder. But as you are a professed demo- 
crat, you are able to appreciate arguments tending 
to relieve the apprehensions you have just express- 
ed, which ordinary men could not understand. 
One who is capable of following the fortunes of 
what now passes in America for Democracy, should 
be considered a man of most remarkable qualities, 
both of sense and resolution. 

I think there is no danger of Amalgamation be- 
coming general, for this reason: It is, at present, 
involuntary with one of the parties. If it were 



LEAVEN FOR, DOUGHFACES. 175 

voluntary with hotJi, there would of course be less 
than there is under the involuntary system. But 
where this latter prevails, it genders a practice of 
concubinage such as existed among the patriarchs, 
and thus limits the entire institution of Amalgama- 
tion to the control of a few masters of families. 
Thus we, the order of Slaveholders, have a kind of 
monopoly in this business, which we enjoy for the 
benefit of the community. It is a privilege, you 
perceive, which should be allowed only to a few — 
to men of a patriarchal mould, if I may so speak. 
Do 3^ou not also perceive that we, as permanent 
guardians of so valuable a privilege are the best of 
democrats? We not only prevent its becoming 
general, but we multiply laborers at pleasure. A 
model Slaveholder, one who might have associated 
with the patriarchs on equal terras, never needs 
go beyond his own plantation for laborers. They 
are mostly of home manufacture. We of course 
desire to keep this manufacture a monopoly, as we 
know how to carry it on with discretion. We, 
however, desire the People to give us all their un- 
occupied territory, as the business requires a very 
extensive field for the full development of all its 
perfections. There are latent beauties in it which 
none but Slaveholders can well understand. 

Then the Democrat said : I feel very much re- 
lieved. I knew there was something terrible in 
Amalgamation beside the consequences of it, but J. 
did not know what it was. I now perceive that it 
IS the Amalgamation which is voluntar}" on both 
sides, which a good democrat should abhor; and 



176 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

though Involuntary Amalgamation goes on at a 
more rapid rate than the other, it ends only in mul- 
tiplying laborers that can be sold. They, therefore, 
who preside over the institution of Involuntary 
Amalgamation seem to me the best of democrats, 
because they save us from voluntary Amalgama- 
tion, and constantly augment the pubUc wealth. 
Yes ; the mingling of the races is not a bad thing 
on these conditions, and the more I think of it, the 
more it seems to me I should like to be a patriarch 
myself. 

And if you were, said the Slaveholder, you would 
differ little from what you are, save in your privi- 
leges, and that your democracy would take on 
additional lustre. 

So saying he left the house, and the bystanders 
gazed after him with reverence and admiration, as 
a being belonging to a higher sphere than them 
selves. 



XLIV. 

THE CAPTURED FUGITIVE AND THE 
MINISTERS. 

A Clergyman in regular standing in the Cnurchcs cannot pray 
publicly for the Freedom of a Fugitive Slave. 

A SLAVE sat in prison not far from the monument 
cf Banker Hill, and wishing to be free from bond- 
age, he sent a messenger to request of the Clergy 
of the city in which his prison was, to pray that he 
might beset at liberty ; but if that might not be, 
that he might at least bear his afflictions patiently. 

And the messenger went first to a Bishop, whom 
he found seated in a richly furnished study, reading 
the Missionary Herald. And the Bishop saluted 
him graciously, and gave him a seat. And as the 
messenger beheld what the Bishop was reading, he 
asked what tidings he found. 

Good tidings, said the Bishop. For the souls of 
the heathen are saved in vast numbers, and the 
Church of the Lord receives daily increase in foreign 
lands. 

We have a soul in prison who asks your prayers 
in the church on the morrow, that he too may be 
saved, said the messenger. 

Poor soul, said the Bishop, Avith a sigh. What is 

his crime? ^ ^ 

(177) 



178 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

His crime is two-fold, said the messenger. He ia 
black, and he is a fugitive slave. 

I cannot pray for him, said the Bishop. I preach 
Christ and him crucified. My business is with the 
Gospel, and not with fugitive slaves. 

And the holy man turned with indignation to the 
Missionary Herald, to read over again the list of 
the saved in the South Sea islands. 

The messenger went his way, wondering whether 
it would not be well to preach Christ in the person 
of the slave crucified between the North and the 
South. 

He next visited the minister of an evangelical 
Church, asking his prayers for the slave, as he had 
before asked those of the Bishop. And the minis- 
ter looked musingly in his face for a moment, and 
then said sharply : I do not pray for slaves, unless 
it be that they may obey their masters. 

So the messenger went his way; and trusting in 
the righteousness of his cause he called on still 
another clergyman of unexceptionable orthodoxy, 
and made known to him the slave's wishes. But 
this latter turning to him said: I would pray for 
Anthony with pleasure; but I have just come 
among this people, and I know not how they stand 
in this matter. 

Pray, then, said the messenger, that strength be 
given him to bear his bondage patiently. 

I dare not, replied the minister. 
Then verily, said the other, you have need of the 
bondman's prayers, for surely you are a greater 
slave than he. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 179 

The messenger said to himself, as the door of 
the minister's house closed hastily after him: Has 
God deserted the land that no one can pray to him 
in behalf of the slave? But at last he remembered 
an Infidel who preached the Gospel of Humanity, 
and he wondered if he would dare pray for the 
captive, and if the Lord would listen to an InfideFs 
supplications. So he went forthwith to the Infidel 
Preacher, and a.sked him if he would lift up his 
voice in public prayer for the bondman. 

And the Preacher said : As I hope for mercy, I 
will ask it for Anthony. 

And when he gathered with his hearers to wor- 
ship the God of Humanity, he prayed aloud and 
publicly that the fugitive slave might be made 
free. And all the People said, Amen. 

And the God of Humanity, who rules alike the 
atoms and the worlds, heard his prayer, and loosed 
the bondman's chain. 



XLV. 

THE FUGITIVE CHURCH-MEMBER. 

In the South^ Church-members will run away from the means 
of Grace. 

A SLAVE on a southern plantation becoming 
weary with bondage, and having his soul awakened 
to the blessings of liberty, seized the favorable mo- 
ment, and made his escape to a northern free 
state. But his master coming in pursuit of him, 
with the aid of a detachment from the army and 
navy of the Union, took him captive once more, 
and the slave returned with a heavy heart to his 
first servitude. The master, however, fearing lest 
his servant should again escape, sold him to friends 
in the North, who gave money for his ransom, and 
he became at last, after much tribulation, a free 
man. Now the slave had been a member of a 
church, such as exists in the South, where the more 
favored and distinguished saints in the body of 
Christ, hold the more humble as property. Wishing 
for an honorable separation from his church, the 
emancipated bondman wrote to his brethren for a 
letter of dismissal and recommendation, that he 
might enter another church in the home of his 

adoption. But when his request reached its desti- 
(180) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 181 

nation, it excited great indignation in the bosom 
of his former pastor, and in the hearts of the breth- 
ren. And they unanimously refused his request, 
and the pastor wrote back in reply as follows : 

To Anthony : — Your impudence and sinfulness in 
asking an honorable dismissal from our church, of 
v/hich you were once a member, is without a par- 
allel in ecclesiastical annals. Whoever heard be- 
fore of a fugitive servant asking for an honorable 
dismission from the church from which he has run 
away? Have you so ill learned Christ as to think 
that a fugitive from his master's service can be 
looked upon by him with approbation? Why, 
Christ came into the world to establish a Reign ot 
Love — a true Brotherhood. And how can there be 
a brotherhood among men unless the laws of true 
social order be observed? We all have our func- 
tions as members of Christ's body. Some must be 
feet; some, hands; and some, heads. The heads 
should own the feet and hands. Your earthly 
master was a head, and you were a foot. You 
both belonged to the body of Christ under this 
relation, and you both understood it. But what 
do I behold? The foot becomes dissatisfied and 
runs away from the head, and nothing can restore 
the foot to its proper connection, but the army 
and navy of our glorious Union! Nothing can 
keep the members of our church in unity but the 
strong arm of the government! 

Have I labored with you so long to no purpose? 
Have I not instructed you over and over again, 



182 LEAVEN FOR DOUGnPACES. 

that 3^ou belong to the race of Ham and Canaan, 
and that the Divine curse resting upon you as such, 
appropriates you to a master forever? Have 1 not 
shown you that all the patriarchs owned servants? 
Have I not shown you from the words of the apos- 
tles that servants should obey their masters in all 
things? B-ut notwithstanding all these means of 
grace, so freely bestowed, you ran away ! Who 
now will teach 3-ou the pure precepts of the Gospel? 
Who now will read to you about Ham and 
Canaan, of the Patriarchs, and the Epistle to Phil- 
emon? When the Judge comes to make up his 
jewels, I expect to see no Anthony among them — 
only Anthony's former brethren in this church, his 
master, and some United States marshals ! We 
shall have all the glory to ourselves, Anthony, and 
you will be alone in yours ! 

We can give you nothing but an excommunica- 
tion. We think you deserve it, and we do not 
wish your former companions to understand that 
there is any forgiveness for sins like that of running 
away from one's master. For if they thought it a 
venial offense, whole churches would run away, 
and the means of grace would soon among us find 
no recipients. But we are not disposed to let the 
carnal man escape so easily. If he will not receive 
the grace voluntarily, he must be caught and held, 
and receive it on the bare back ! And that it 
may come to you in this fashion, is the earnest 
prayer of 

Your former Pastor and Brethren. 



XLVI. 

THE EMANCIPATED DOUGHFACE. 

Even a Doughface might become a lover of Liberty, if made 
a Slave himself. 

An Anglo-Saxon, white Democrat, who talked 
much of his love of liberty, but who always man- 
aged to vote in such a way as to give the lie to his 
professions, desirous of trading in foreign lands, 
took ship and went abroad on the high seas. He 
had not voyaged far, before he was taken by a pi- 
rate, his vessel pillaged and sunk, and the crew, 
with himself and his fellow-passengers, made cap- 
tives, and carried slaves to a barbarous nation, 
where, being put up at public auction, they were 
sold to the highest bidder. The Democrat himself 
fell to a purchaser uncommonly severe, who by 
dint of formidable tasks, and many a terrible flog- 
ging, finally kindled in his slave a lively sense of 
the value of universal liberty; in fact, made him a 
convert to what would be considered in the bond- 
man's native country, the rankest political heresies. 
For misfortune sometimes convinces men of the 
worth of despised truths. 

Thus, to a fellow-slave, who inquired whether it 

(183) 



184 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

were lawful for them to escape from servitude by 
flight, he answered : 

When I was in my own country, I was very 
much degraded, even below what I am now. For 
I was a slave without knowing it. Living in what 
is called a free land, I w^as the member of a party 
wdiose leaders made me uphold just such slavery 
as w^e suffer here, under the pretence that my coun- 
try's necessities required it. But alas ! I knew no- 
thing of the curse of bondage by experience. By 
my vote I aided to fasten on others the wretched- 
ness we endure. I knew not what I did. I thought 
all things would go well if I but followed my 
leaders wherever they led. Many now suffer slav- 
ery in my native land, because my fellows fastened 
their chains. For the party-leaders used us to 
strengthen the bondage of millions, and open the 
way for the subjection of millions more. 

Is it lawful for us to escape ? It cannot be other- 
wise. No man can rightfully make property of us. 
We are not things, but persons, and Justice cries 
aloud against our enslavement. Not for an instant 
can the tyrant who oppresses us lawfully claim our 
obedience. The slave's right to freedom begins 
now^ not to-day, nor to-morrow. His right to flee 
from servitude began the very moment he became 
a slave. Do we not see these things to be self- 
evident? Instant emancipation is our right; the 
eff'ort to make it real, our instant duty. Not only 
may we run away, we ought so to do ; and at the 
first opportunity I shall make my escape. No 
sophistry can convince me that I am bound to re- 
main here. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 185 

Bat when endeavoring to put this good resolution 
in practice, he was caught by a native of a country 
in alliance with his oppressors, who was about to 
return him to his master. And the Democrat 
pleaded lustily for deliverance. 

Now his captor was deeply impressed with his 
obligations to the government of which he was a 
subject, and he said: 

My nation is in alliance with the nation of your 
master, and one article of our alliance is, that the 
fugitive slaves of the nation among whom you now 
are^ shall be restored by us, if they take refuge 
here. We should violate a m.ost solemn covenant, 
if I were to suffer you to run at large, as well as 
endanger the alliance. 

The Democrat replied : 

Any agreement between sovereign states which 
stipulates for a violation of the natural rights of 
man, is itself diabolical, and deserves prompt and 
constant disobedience from the subjects of either 
state. Civil laws and compacts derive all their 
rectitude and moral validity from the eternal Law 
of Right, and that Law ordains the equal freedom 
of all men, annulling involuntary servitude in all 
times and places. Will you obey the Law of Right 
which God himself is pledged to execute, or the 
transient statutes of men which conflict with that 
Law^ ? 

His captor answered : 

The ordinance which compels me to return you 
to bondage, must be just. It was modeled after a 
similar one which was ordained by the allied states 
16 



186 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

of a Christian nation beyond the Atlantic; and 
Christian nations never enact anything wrong into 
statutes. 

You should not suppose, said the Democrat, that 
Christian nations always enact what is right. For 
they are sometimes infested with rotten democra- 
cies, out of whose carcasses swarm multitudes of 
foul legislators, who love nothing so well as the 
bondage of their fellows. And when these crea- 
tures crawl into the high places of Christian na- 
tions, you would think hell itself had vomited forth 
its foulest things, such monstrous statutes get 
enacted. 

And is that the case, said the captor, with the 
Christian nation of which I spoke ? 

It is, said the Democrat. Just now the fair face 
of Liberty is disfigured with the ordinances of a 
rotten democracy, and the streams of Justice in 
that country are all running backward. Do not 
suppose that because a law restoring fugitives to 
bondage just now disfigures her statute book, that 
it is just, or that her People love it. 

You might go free, said the captor, if I were not 
in doubt whether any law enacted by sovereign 
states be not obligator}^ upon their subjects, what- 
ever be ordained. 

Said the Democrat : Civil governments do not 
make Right. But they are bound to enact it. 
Now when a plain and palpable wrong is made 
law, it should be met by a blunt and uncompromis- 
ing disobedience. For it is better that civil govern- 
ments explode, than that rank injustice be perma- 
nently established among men. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 187 

Then go, said his captor. 

So the Democrat fled. And when he reached his 
native land, he labored for nothing so much as the 
triumph of Liberty and Justice ; nor could any rot- 
ten democracy deceive him more. 



XLVII. 

THE ORGAN FOR COLORS. 

Slaveholders feel no repugnance to Amalgamation. 

A DISPUTE arose between a Doughface and a 
Slaveholder as to the capacity of each to distin- 
guish colors. The one maintained that he could 
discern shades which the other could not possibly 
perceive, and the other as stoutly maintained the 
contrar}^ When the dispute had become quite se- 
rious, and threatened to disturb their harmony, the 
Slaveholder taking his friend among the cabins of 
his negroes, in order to convince him by a decisive 
test of his inferior capacity, pointed out a slave, 
and asked him how much white, and how much 
black blood there was in his composition. And the 
Doughface examining him, said that he thought the 
two colors were mixed in nearly equal quantities. 
Then the Slaveholder pointing to a second, a third, 
and a fourth, the Doughface declared that in the 
second the two bloods were, as in the first case, 
equally mixed; but that in the third and fourth 
slaves, there was nothing but white blood. Upon 
this the Slaveholder laughing, said : You Dough- 
(188) 



LEAYEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 189 

faces are poor judges of color. As to the first slave, 
you guessed rightly ; but as to the second, third and 
fourth, you grandly erred. For the second has but 
a fourth part black blood in her composition; the 
third, but an eighth; and the fourth, but one- 
sixteenth part. 

I should really have taken them for pure vrhite 
girls, said the Doughface. 

Very true, said the Slaveholder; and your mis- 
take comes from not understanding the art of mix- 
ing colors, and from your incapacity to appreciate 
the diversities of shades. No Slaveholder would 
have made such a mistake as you did. 

In the first place we have pure whites as slaves, 
and the study of the habits and complexion of these 
pure whites, helps greatly to the discerning of the 
mixed colors. We are not at all partial as to color 
in extending the benefits of Slavery. We would as 
soon have Avhites for slaves as blacks ; and you 
will accordingly find among us many in which it 
would be difficult even for a Slaveholder to distin- 
guish the black blood. Then we make it a point 
to multiply the mixed colors with the greatest pos- 
sible rapidity, and in this way we learn very much 
in the art of distinguishing them. You Doughfaces 
have a great horror of this practice, but we who 
are the chivalrous sons of the South, know nothing 
of such a horror. Look over our plantations, and 
learn a lesson. Do you not perceive what a vari- 
ety of colors exists upon them? We all stud\' in 
the school of Titian, even before we attain our full 
manhood. We are fond of colors. For our mixed 



190 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

varieties of slaves bring the highest prices. How 
then should we not do all in our power to augment 
the varieties ? We do exert ourselves to this end. 
Do you wonder, then, that we are artists, skilled in 
chromatics ? 

Now it gives us much amusement to witness the 
horror of Amalgamation which prevails in the 
North. We think you have no taste for the fine 
arts. When you cry Amalgamation, we turn with 
immense satisfaction to our negro cabins, and fall 
to contemplating the colors. Here, say we, in the 
practice of the fine arts, is one grand reason of the 
wonderful superiority of the North to the South. 
Look at the genius of the South ! Behold her skill ! 
her parti-colored creations ! these trophies of the 
triumphs of gifted artists ! Hue blended with hue ! 
shade melting into shade ! black converted through 
yellow, by imperceptible gradations, into the purest 
white ! 

Why, said the Doughface, in the North, we are 
terrified at the bare thought of such combinations. 

We are well aware of that, said the Slaveholder. 
But you perceive the South rather like Amalgama- 
tion ; first, for the sake of the colors, and then be- 
cause the parti'Colored bring so good a price. Of 
course, we delight to have you make a great uproar 
about the danger of Amalgamation ; for while you 
Doughfaces are dilligently terrifying the People, 
lest through the spread of freedom it should be- 
come general, we, the chivalry, are both practising 
it, and reaping the fruits of it in money. The tide 
of Amalgamation is now at its height, and as long 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 191 

as you will spread the belief that the freedom of 
the slave will increase it, so long shall we keep it 
at its height. For emancipation would decrease the 
practice amazingly, as every Slaveholder knows. 

Then said the Doughface: Does Amalgamation 
go on more rapidly because Slavery exists? 

Of course, said the other. And because the 
Slaveholder is the only voluntary party to it. 

If it is volmitary only on one side, said the 
Doughface, there seems to be no very great harm 
in the practice, and it might as well become gene- 
ral on that condition, as be limited to you Slave- 
holders. 

There you touch us in a tender spot, said the 
Slaveholder. We prefer to have a monopoly of the 
business. We govern the Union, we make the 
Presidents, we officer the Army and Navy, we are 
first in all the concerns of the nation ; should we 
not be first in xVmalgamation? 

Certainly, said the Doughface. But are there 
none in the North whom you would admit to be 
sharers in this peculiar privilege? 

None, said the Slaveholder, but those who make 
the greatest outcry against it. For those are the 
very fellows who strengthen our monopoly. 

Then the Doughface, feeling that he had learned 
the way to distinction, bade adieu to his friend, and 
from that day forward never ceased to declaim on 
the danger of Amalgamation. 



XLVIII. 

THE PROSPECTS OF THE WOULD-BE 
CANDIDATES. 

"Whoever v/ould be a Democratic President should not be an 

open advocate of Universal Liberty, neither should he 

do too much^ or too little, for Slavery. 

Several northern Doughfaces who were desirous 
to know their prospects for a nomination to the 
Presidency, went together to consult a Slaveholder 
in regard to the matter, having resolved to make 
a brief statement of their merits, and request his 
opinion. The Slaveholder received them very 
condescendingly, and agreed to give them his views 
of their respective prospects, if they would each 
tell as much of the truth about their political de- 
serts as they could bear to utter. 

Then the first began and said : The conditions 
on which you are to express your opinions, are 
rather hard for me to accept. I have never been in 
the habit of speaking the truth in political matters, 
and this very confession is as frank an avowal as I 
have ever made. I have sought office ever since I 
came to adult years, and 1 have been tolerably 
successful thus far. I have professed Democracy, 
and that is all ; I never had an}^ faith in it except 
(192) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 193 

as a highwa}^ to preferment. In fact, I was in 
early life a federalist. I have been a candidate for 
the Presidency once, and intend to send in my name 
to the nominating convention, every four years, as 
long as life lasts. I have been a foreign minister, 
and once had the honor of indirectly preventing 
the overthrow of the slave-trade. I have received 
large sums of money from the federal government, 
and considerable glory that I did not deserve. I 
have been a member of the Senate for a long time, 
and shall hang to that place as long as I breathe, 
unless I am elected President. I wrote a letter 
into the South which conceded the principle that 
the Slaveholder has a natural and constitutional 
right to plant Slavery wherever there is an inch of 
free soil. I showed the North that the only way 
to extinguish Slavery is to diffuse it, and the north- 
ern Democracy believe it to this day, though 1 never 
did. It is worth something to establish so grand a 
lie in the faith of a whole people. But if, as a 
southern statesman has said, an overflowing treas- 
ury is a great danger to the nation, I may perhaps 
say that my principal merit has been in resisting 
\\ith all my might the progress of that danger. 
For I have either been quartered on the treasury 
myself, or had some relative fastened upon it, for 
forty years. 

Then the Slaveholder said : The last merit you 
mention ought at any time to entitle you to the 
Presidency. The South, by which I mean Slave- 
holders, always favor those Presidents who know 
how to tap the treasury. We by no means put the 
.17 



19J: LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

money into it, but Ave do take it out. And our 
gi-eat difficulty has been to get it out in apparently 
legal ways, as fast as the People put it in. All the 
wars we Slaveholders originate, and all the ficti- 
tious claims we compel Congress to pay, do not 
begin to deplete it as rapidl}^ as we could wish. 
But a swarm of such men as you, helps on wonder- 
fully—not only empties the treasury, but empties it 
southward. This faculty of depleting public treas- 
uries is a great merit, but in truth, the others are a 
little stale. The letter you mention was a great 
thing in its day; so was the principle of diffusing 
Slavery in order to extinguish it. But in these 
days, when we can find men mean enough to cheat 
the People of whole territories in the name of Popu- 
lar Sovereignty, these merits seem slight. On the 
whole, I think your chances for a nomination rather 
poor. 

Then the second Doughface said : I have but one 
merit, and that is a steady devotion to the interests 
of Slavery. I was never very distinguished in my 
political life. My natural insignificance would 
have kept me forever in obscurity, had not the 
acuteness of the South discovered my fitness for its 
own purposes, and raised me very suddenly to my 
present greatness. Now that I have tasted the 
sweets of a conspicuous ofiice, it is to be expected 
that I should desire to hold to it. My zeal for the 
South is apparent to the wdiole nation. Can I 
not be a candidate? 

The Slaveholder answered: The South would 
like nothing better than to use you still longer; but, 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 195 

unfortunateh^ we cannot give one who has been 
very zealous for Slavery a second presidential term. 
Your zeal has made you unpopular in the North, 
and our rule is, never to nominate one for Presi- 
dent who is not devoted to Slavery, nor, on the 
other hand, one who has done so much for us as 
to be odious at home. Your case seems to me 
doubtful, though your merits are very great. Your 
natural insignificance makes you a valuable tool, 
one which it is hard to lose, but I think you must 
be content to sink into that obscurity from which 
you so suddenly emerged. 1 would recommend to 
you to submit to your fate gracefully, if you are not 
nominated, and devote the remainder of your life 
to pious exercises. The utter oblivion which is 
likely to overtake you, even while you live, will 
leave you abundant opportunity for religious con- 
templations, and you have a good basis for the 
works of repentance. 

Now a third stepped forward, and said : I began 
life an abolitionist, and I had, when young, some 
conscience. But as I aspired to political distinction 
I abandoned my hostility to Slavery, and bid adieu 
to conscience, that I might have no embarrassments 
in the pursuits of office. And you cannot conceive 
how easily one rises in the political world when all 
sense of duty has died out of him, unless you have 
tried it yourself. Soon after commencing my ca- 
reer as a politician, I married a plantation in the 
South, and I now think mxy moral sense efTectually 
seared. It seems to me that the trump of judg- 
ment were unable to raise in it a single twinge. 



196 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

It was this desirable state of mind that prepared 
me to draft that law by which the People were 
cheated of their Great Territory. You must admit 
that the Slave Power has had no servant so pliant 
as I, none so ready to take in hand the execution 
of its giant iniquities, none capable of doing the 
People so much mischief in the name of Democracy. 
I have laid your whole class under eternal obliga- 
tions to me. 

The Slaveholder replied : In our efforts to subdue 
the People, and crush out their liberties, be assured 
that we consider you of all others the man for the 
Presidency. That you have no conscience, we 
consider one of the first qualifications for that office. 
Your southern plantation is a sure guaranty to us 
that you never will have one. Such a man we 
need, for we have yet a great many insults and 
injuries to inflict on the North. But, as is the case 
of your friend who has just spoken, your zeal has 
been too decidedly displayed. You have lost pop- 
ularity in the North; and we must choose a candi- 
date for President who, while fragrant with the odor 
of Democracy and Slavery combined, shall not be 
suspected at home of being our tool. You see our 
position. However, j-our chance for a nomination 
is tolerably good, for you take to our dirty work as 
if you "were born to it, and in despicable meanness 
you have no equal. 

Then a fourth said: I have been all my life a 
trimmer. In my political action I have so managed 
as neither to arouse the suspicions of the North, 
nor offend the Slaveholders. Secretly I have been 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 197 

in favor of Slavery, and my senatorial votes have 
always been cast in a quiet way for that interest. 
I stand tolerably fair to succeed, if nominated. 
The People think me on their side, and the South 
know me to be on theirs. If elected, I will go down 
as low in obedience to the South as any of my 
predecessors. My chief merit is, that hitherto I 
have occupied no decided public position on the 
Slavery question, but am ready for any meanness 
required of me. 

The Slaveholder answered : I consider your 
chance better than that of either of your fellows. 
You have neither done too much nor too little for 
Slavery. You are no lover of universal liberty, and 
have, I suspect^ very little conscience. I may say 
with certainty, that our nominee will be a person 
possessing precisely your qualifications. However, 
your fellows here need not be discouraged. As we 
Slaveholders hold the keys of the treasury, we 
shall endeavor to find ways and means to compen- 
sate them for any sacrifices in our cause; and they 
may rest assured that whenever the People are to 
be robbed, they shall be invited to share in the 
operation. 



XLIX. 

THE PRESIDENT ELECT. 

Slavery makes Presidents of such very small Men^ that most of 
them, axe amazed at their own success. 

The national election for President had passed, 
and from all quarters of the Union the news of 
the result was borne with lightning speed to the 
successful candidate. But he, exceedingly elated at 
his good fortune, late at night retired to rest. His 
sleep, however, was very much disturbed ; for the 
sudden advent of great good fortune, as well as of 
great calamities, is unfavorable to repose. So 
toward the morning after election, the President 
started suddenly from sleep, and sat bolt upright 
in his bed. Then rolling his eyes and looking 
about him, he began to consider what had hap- 
pened ; and finally recovering his consciousness he 
began to recollect that he had gained the victory 
in the presidential contest. But wishing to be 
certain of the fact, and to know whether he was 
not dreaming, he shook his faithful consort who lay 
by his side, and waked her also. Then turning to 

her, he asked : Am I not elected President? 
(198) 



LEAVEX FOR DOUGHFACES. 199 

Certainly, said she, why do you asli? Do yoa 
not recollect that the telegraph broaght, last cveii- 
iiig, the returns from more than half the states? 

I do now recollect it, said the President; but it 
seemed so strange that I could not at first believe 
but that I had been dreaming. But now that I am 
conscious of being really elected, I feel rejoiced 
that the verdict of the People has, as it were, de- 
clared me a man of extraordinary abilities and de- 
voted patriotism. I feel a little delicacy in asking 
the question, but do you not think, wife, that my 
intellectual and moral greatness has been the 
cause of my nomination and election? 

Then the w^ife, looking up from her pillow, smil- 
ing, said : Do not examine, my dear, too narrowly 
into the causes of your election. You are a very 
good sort of a man as the world goes, and a very 
decent husband, but I never considered you any 
thing extraordinary. 

The husband replied with surprise : Was it not 
my abilities that secured my nomination? 

The wife, suppressing a quiet laugh, answered: 
Have you so soon forgotten that you told me you 
had pledged yourself to certain gentlemen of the 
South, that if elected you would, like a good Dem- 
ocrat, exert all the powers of the government to 
support and maintain the institution of Slavery, 
and make it national? I think it was this promise 
of yours that secured your nomination. 

But did not the abilities have something to do 
with it? said the President. 

I think not, said the wife, laughing aloud. It 



200 LEAYEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

was your promise, and the belief of the southern 
lords that you would keep it, that secured the 
nomination, and the election. As for the People, 
they never know what they are about when they 
elect a President. They choose as the party lead- 
ers direct, and the leaders direct as the Slave- 
holders command. It was your promise, m}" dear, 
that made you President. If you thought other- 
wise you were indeed dreaming. 

So saying, she turned her face to the wall, and 
after another laugh fell asleep. But the President, 
sinking back on his pillow, turned on his side and 
looked long and frowningly into a mirror opposite, 
when he too fell asleep, with these words on his 
lips: Perhaps she is right; but at any rate, lam 
President. 

Now when his administration was ended^ it be- 
came apparent even to many who had aided in his 
elevation to office, that the wife was right — that 
neither his abilities nor patriotism, could have pro- 
cured either his nomination or election. 



L. 

THE POLYaAMOUS STATE. 

Polygamy should not exclude a People from admission to tlie 
Union, when half the States practise it. 

A SECT arose in the American Union from among 
the simple-hearted common people, which under 
the guidance of what they supposed to be an infal- 
lible book, g^rew into a great religious community, 
conforming to a multitude of foolish rites and evil 
practices which their Book and Prophet enjoined. 
For these simple people did not know that if God 
were to give infallible and authoritative revela- 
tions, they could not be given to a few for all, and 
therefore they were disposed to receive any pre- 
tended prophet who wrought wonders, as master 
and king. They were ignorant that God authenti- 
cates His presence by the gradual disclosure of 
universal truths, rather than by startling displays of 
unaccountable marvels. Thinking that God re- 
vealed himself in the greatest possible wonders, 
astounding miracles performed made them sur- 
render their minds and bodies to a religious pre- 
tender, who bound them fast under a load of mon- 
strously unnatural duties. Thus they were led by 

his direction and that of his successors, far into the 

(201) 



202 LEAVEN FOR DOUGIIEACES. 

wilderness of America in search of a Promised 
Land. The land, indeed, they found, flowing with 
milk and honey; but they made the milk and honey 
bitter with the gall of abominable rehgious usages. 
Among these, was the practice of Polygamy, which 
they adopted and justified on the authority and 
example of their prophets. 

When now they had grown to be a great com- 
munity, they applied for admission to the Union as 
a state. But when their application was heard 
before the Congress, a deputy from the free states 
opposed their admission, speaking in this wise: 

This is an application which should not be heard 
for a moment. The mere mention of connecting a 
polygamous state with the Union, is a disgrace to 
the nation, and the hearing of the petition is a 
greater; but the actual admission would be an 
eternal monument of infamy. If a sense of our 
own dignity is not sufficient to make us repudiate 
connection with a community so leprous, a regard 
to the obligations of common decency, and to the 
bare profession of Christianity should impel us to it. 
Are we a Christian nation, and shall Monogamy 
prevail in one section of our Union, and a heathen- 
ish Polygamy in another? Shall the brothers and 
sisters of American parents neither be able to 
know each other, nor their own fathers? Shall in- 
cest be legalized, and fornication and adultery 
become national institutions? We should pause 
long before we bring upon ourselves this deluge of 
abominations. 

Then arose one of the American Nobility and 
replied: 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGnPACES. 203 

It may perhaps allay the sensitiveness of my 
friend in regard to the admission to the Union of a 
polygamous state, if I bring to his notice a few 
facts touching the quality of the Union as it now is, 
and also show him that there is high authority in 
favor of Polygamy as an institution. 

This is already a polygamous Republic. It is 
well known, that we who constitute the American 
Nobility derive our proud pre-eminence over the 
non-slaveholding commonalty from the absolute 
ownership of over three millions of slaves, and from 
a large monopoly of the soil. Though we are but 
an insignificant fraction of the entire population, 
while we govern the wJiole people, officer the Army 
and Navy, make the Presidents, assume all the 
foreign embassies of consequence, fill the national 
Judiciary, and thus ray down distinction upon the 
common people like so many full moons, we never 
forget that the backs of our negroes, and the mon- 
opoly of the land, are the basis of this grandeur- 
If the nation has any glory, it is because we radiate 
it, having first absorbed it from those shining backs. 
My honorable friend should reflect on these things. 
Those slaves not only support us the Nobility, save 
us from the disgrace of manual labor, and sweeten 
our tea and coffee, but they put all the gloss on our 
national libertj^-cap. Now they could not accom- 
plish this, if they were tied up by monogamic mar- 
riage. A patriarchal looseness among them in 
this particular, we find to be not onl}^ beneficial, 
but to contribute indirectly an indescribable lustre 
to the national dignity. If our dignity, then, grows 



20J: LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

oat of Polygamy actually existing as one of the 
domestic pillars of the Republic, how can we be 
disgraced, or contaminated by admitting to the 
Union a state in which the People at large practise 
it? It is only the union of like with like. 

So then Polygamy does actually exist among us ; 
and not only Polygamy, but Concubinage likewise. 
The slaves practise the first virtue ; their masters 
shine in the other. 

And as to the immorality of the thing, let me in- 
quire whether all the great principles of morality 
are not defined in the Decalogue, by the prohibition 
of their opposites? If so, is Polygamy prohibited, 
or Monogamy ordained? Are not rather both 
Slavery and Polygamy connived at as existing in- 
stitutions in the prohibition concerning covetous- 
ness? It seems to me we should not attempt to be 
wiser than Scripture, nor more righteous than the 
Patriarchs : especially when Christianity itself does 
not positively forbid Slavery or Polygamy, nor en- 
ioin their contraries. 

But if you think Christianity prohibits these in- 
stitutions, we, the Nobility, will sufi'er you to cling 
to austerities which you think Christian, if you will 
suffer us to temper our practices with the moralities 
of the Old Testament, and regale ourselves with 
privileges permitted to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. 
We, surely, who are the keepers of the national 
honor, ought not to be tied down to morals in 
which our most remarkable natural gifts could 
have no proper field for development. 

There is an additional reason why this polyga- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 205 

mous state should be admitted. If it enters the 
Union, it must come in as a slave state. And, if it 
enters as a slave state, will not Polygamy come of 
itself with the Slavery? Why then trouble your- 
selves about the Polygamy, when you let in that 
to which Polygamy necessarily attaches? No one 
in this honorable body will object to the Slavery, 
because that is, as it were, the very cream of De- 
mocracy. A true Democrat, then, cannot object 
that his country appear among the nations adorned 
with one of the hitherto undiscovered patriarchal 
graces. As w^ell might a peacock strut about with 
a single tail-feather, thinking itself arrayed in a 
full suit of caudal splendors, as a Democrat go 
-boasting of a national glory with no Polygamy 
nor Slavery attached. 

Here the Slaveholder sat down, amid the tumult 
of a universal congratulation, and the polygamous 
state was admitted without delay. 



LI. 

THE MUTTERINO THUNDEK. 

The fear of Northern Bayonets keeps the Southern Slave in 
subjeotion. 

A SLAVE in Louisiana said to his fellow : We 
outnumber the whites ten to one on these great 
plantations. Why do we submit to their oppres- 
sion? Surely if we combine together, we should be 
irresistible. A few days only of united action 
would suffice for us to sweep our masters and their 
families from the face of the earth. How long 
shall we groan beneath the burdens which they 
heap upon us? How long shall the ground we cul- 
tivate be moistened with our sweat and blood? 
How long shall scourges mangle our flesh? Shall 
the sweets we extract from the cane be wasted on 
our indolent and cruel masters, while we wear out 
our lives to produce them? Shall the sun shine, 
and the earth bring forth her good things only for 
wretches who fatten on the unpaid toil of others? 
Shall these accursed idlers torture us forever, and 
make our lives worse than those of brutes. Shall 
they seal up the fountains of knowledge, and con- 
demn us to eternal ignorance, only to use our 
strength for their own enjoyment? Let us unite 
(20G) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGIirACES. 207 

against them, set fire to their dwellings, desolate 
their plantations, and slaughter themselves. We 
can do it. We are man}"; they are few. Indolence 
and luxur}' have made them unmanly. The physi- 
cal force is with us. 

Then his fellow replied : You know not our con- 
dition. True it is, that our masters are few, and 
that if we were to rise against them, we might 
soon exterminate the whole brood. But they have 
other slaves beside us who cultivate their grounds. 
The sway of oar masters is greater than 3^ou im- 
agine. Many years since, their fathers made a 
compact of union with the non-slaveholding whites 
of the North for the purpose of establishing liberty 
and justice, and building up a great nation. The 
northern whites supposed that the liberty they 
were about to secure, was that of all men; but our 
masters understood that it was the liberty of op- 
pressing us blacks, and the whites, if possible. So 
after the compact was sealed, and a government 
formed, our masters took it under their manage- 
ment. And they have got the northern whites, by 
a sixty year's use of the government, so thoroughly 
possessed of the notion of their immense power 
and consequence, and their rights as slaveholders, 
that they think our masters gods. And gods they 
are to those base whites. For they have but to 
threaten disunion, and the whole crowd of them 
cower and tremble, like a flock of turkies at the 
rattling of a bladder of peas. They would no 
more dare to emancipate us, than to stand over a 
powder-magazine and explode it. Oar masters 



208 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

have proceeded very cunningly with these timid 
sheep. They control their army and navy, keep 
up an expensive government, and make them pay 
the expense ; and year by year they have been 
taking us slaves into the unoccupied territory of 
the Union, and spreading us about like locusts, so 
as to stop the increase of the non-slaveholding 
whites. For the whites cannot multiply if we oc- 
cupy all the ground as slaves, and do the freeman's 
labor for nothing. All the while our masters keep 
up a great hue and cry about their rights — mean- 
ing their rights to our persons and labor. And they 
have really brought the northern whites to stand 
so much in fear of violating their pretended rights 
to our real ones of life and liberty, that, as I said 
before, they have no more courage than we, to rise 
and emancipate themselves and us. A single act 
of Congress would raise us to the dignity of men, 
save their nation from despotism, and their de- 
scendants from unheard-of depths of degradation. 
But those miserable northern whites stand in such 
terror of our masters, have such an insane rever- 
ence for their devilish compact of union, and are 
so bewildered among legal and constitutional mole- 
hills, which they consider mountains, that they 
have no courage for such an act of Congress. 
They dare not extinguish the power of our masters 
at a single blow. The northern miUlons are cow- 
ards before the southern thousands. Are they not 
then slaves as well as we? slaves a little higher in 
rank, with a little longer chain, daily shortening? 
They have courage only to aid in keeping us in 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 209 

bondage. If we were to raise the standard of free- 
dom, they would rush in crowds to subdue us. 
Their bayonets support our master's libert}^ and 
ours and their own siaver}^ We must wait till the 
vices of our oppressors have diminished their num- 
bers, and multiplied ours many fold, till the north- 
ern whites grow sick of their union, and then will 
we strike ! In one generation more, our children 
will bring the sons and daughters of our masters to 
judgment ! 

18 



LII. 

THE SURE SAFEaUAKD. 

The Slaveholder relies on the North as a last resort for pro 
tection against the insurrection of his Slaves. 

A Texan planter was visited by a guest from 
Europe, who wished to study into the sources oJ 
the prosperity of the Great Republic. We have 
heard beyond the ocean, said the guest, of the 
wealth, domestic comfort and peace of American 
citizens, and I have come hither to see for myself 
on what basis your superiority in these respects, to 
us of the old world, rests. For if you have made a 
discovery of new principles of social order by which 
the citizens of civilized states may secure liberty 
and happiness, I desire to promulgate them. 

Then said the planter: You did well to come 
hither to make a study of the principles of true 
liberty and social security, for we in America have 
discovered all that the human race may ever pre- 
sume to know touching these matters. As domes- 
tic institutions are the foundation of the prosperity 
of the state, I think I can show you a model worthy 
of universal adoption. 
(210) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 211 

So he took his guest into a field of sugar-cane 
where five hundred men and women nearly naked, 
were toiling together, and several overseers, with 
stout lashes, were encouraging them with brutal 
cruelties. 

There, said the planter, pointing to the wretched 
bondmen, there is one source of American prosper- 
ity and glory, and one example of American liber- 
ty. The creatures whom 3'ou see before you are 
the producers of a large share of our happiness. 
Out of their toil and sweat comes our enjoyment, 
our peace, our plenty. You have there, in minia- 
ture, the social order which is the essence of Amer- 
ican glory, and the true exemplar at which all civil 
institutions should aim. Society should be divided 
into two classes, one to enjoy, and the other to 
produce the means of enjoyment. The enjoying 
class should rule the producers, and they should 
be divided again into two classes — the first owned 
by the enjo3^ers,and the second controlled by them, 
but allowed to vote. There should be a distinction 
of colors between the producers also. The produ- 
cers which are owned directly by the masters, 
should be black ; and those which are controlled 
by their masters without knowing how it is done, 
should be white. The masters should be as white 
as circumstances will permit. I need not inform 
3^ou that we masters, or Slaveholders, for this is the 
better name, own nearly four millions of blacks, 
and govern about twenty millions of the other 
color. We have a kind of compact with our white 
servants by which we govern them. The chief 



212 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

articles of the compact are, that we shall give them 
presidents, foreign ministers, judges, generals, and 
navy officers whenever they are needed, on condi- 
tion that they shall support them. This compact 
adds largely to our enjoyment. We are the Na- 
tion — we are America. When the constitution of 
European society is divided into these three classes, 
the slaveholders, slaves, and semi-slaves, j^'ou will 
begin to have a permanent social order. But you 
are sadly in want of a black basis. 

There is a short process by which you can get 
an equivalent, which I will briefly indicate. You 
have a nobility in Europe who have lost their serfs 
in the revolutions of ages. Let this nobility in 
each country select out a pretty large percentage 
of the producing class, and allow them to vote 
under a constitution, on condition that they shall 
always elect members from the nobility to be pres- 
idents, judges, and so forth, pay them good salaries, 
and hold their brother producers in slavery. In 
order to keep this body-guard of the nobility in 
obedience, let it have a Congress, and give the 
Congress annually a batch of laws to enact which 
will more and more curtail their own liberties. 
This business of law-making is very congenial to 
the human heart, and if you of the nobility initiate 
all the laws, and spice them occasionally with fla- 
grant inhumanities, you wdll always keep your 
body-guard up to their duty. As names are more 
powerful than things, with the unthinking crowd, 
let your toiling, self-enslaving voters be called The 
Democracy, and the system will work to a charm. 



LEAYEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 213 

After The Democracy have gone on voting a sliort 
time, make them vote away the right of voting itself; 
then you will have but two classes in society — 
slaveholders and slaves. There is where we in- 
tend to bring up in America. 

Your plan, said the guest, seems very feasible, 
and would command, I should think, general atten- 
tion throughout Europe. It is w^orthy of profound 
consideration. I should fear, however, occasional 
terrible insurrections, where society is divided into 
but two classes — slaveholders and slaves. How 
u^ould you propose to obviate that difficulty. 

Said the planter : At the moment when a civil 
.society resolves itself into slaveholders and slaves, 
3'ou will find its national democracy spontaneously 
decomposing into a standing army, on the one hand, 
and a ^qw office-holders and hireling legislators on 
the other. When national democracies collapse 
b}' their own rottenness, there is generally very 
little left but those three elements. 

And do you anticipate such a result, said the 
guest. 

We Slaveholders expect it, said the planter. 

But how^ would you put down an insurrection of 
these strong-handed blacks, should the\^ rise now 
before 3'our standing arm}^ is fully formed? 

That is all provided for by our glorious Constitu- 
tion, said the planter. We have also a sui-e safe- 
guard in the servile temper of our laboring white 
millions ; particularly the northern ones. They 
are afraid to release their black brethren from our 
hands by any direct act. Whenever they show 



214 LEAVEN FOR DOrGHFACES. 

any inclination that way, we rattle the parchment 
of the Constitution over their heads, and they cow- 
er before us like spaniels. They have the greatest 
regard for what they call our rights, and are afraid 
to create at once over three millions of free citizens, 
through fear of offending a/ew; thousands of us petty 
tyrants. So in the event of any serious insurrec- 
tion on the part of our black slaves, we have but to 
call out our northern white ones, whose courage is 
sufficient to withstand the millions of their fellow- 
slaves, but evaporates altogether before the frown 
of a single Slaveholder. 

If that is the temper of your northern slaves, said 
the guest, you are surely well defended against 
insurrection. 

We certainly are, said the planter. 



LIII. 

THE CABINET COUNCIL. 

The greatest perplexity of American Presidents and their 

Cabinets^ ajises from a desire to strangle the Liberty 

of the People. 

After Popular Sovereignty had been, as he 
thought, effectually destroyed in the Great Terri- 
tory stolen from the People, there came tidings to 
the Chief Magistrate of the Republic that the free 
settlers in the territory would not submit to be gov- 
erned by any but their own laws. News also came 
that a town of these freemen was beleaguered by 
slaveholders from an adjoining state, who wished 
to force the settlers into obedience to a slave-hold- 
ing code. When the Magistrate heard of these 
things he was very much perplexed ; for he wished 
to appear to the People to be a supporter of Popular 
Sovereignty, but he desired to be in reality the 
maintainer and defender of the sovereignty of 
Slaveholders. So he called a cabinet council to 
deliberate on the proper course to pursue in so grave 
an emergency, for the invading Slaveholders were 
clamoring for a band of national soldiers to subdue 
the freemen to obedience to the laws ordained for 

them. 

(215) 



216 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Now when the cabinet council had assembled, 
the Master of the Forces, who was fiercely desirous 
that the invading Slaveholders should be sec- 
onded, spoke to the Magistrate in this wise : This is 
an emergency in which your respect and zeal for 
our order, and your sense of gratitude for the honor 
conferred on you by making you President, can be 
most signally displayed. Recollect, sire, that you 
were elected for the express purpose of defeating 
and destroying Popular Sovereignty. We admit 
that thus far your management has been most 
adroit. Even Slaveholders did not imagine you to 
be capable of such sublime impudence as to attempt 
to destro}' the freedom of the People under the very 
name of that freedom. You have begun well; you 
only need to follow up your past acts with an audac- 
ity equal to that you have already exhibited. Your 
messages and proclamations are everything a Slave- 
holder can desire. No man living can say one thing 
and mean another better than you. No one can 
better amuse the People with false promises ; and 
your democracy is unexceptionable. But all these 
closet faculties are nothing, unless followed up 
by decisive practical measures. Order out the 
national soldiery to aid the Slaveholders in re- 
pressing popular freedom in the new territory, and 
your work is done. But if you hesitate, remember 
that there are plenty of doughfaces still remaining, 
from among whom presidents can be made, and 
that he who is most subservient to us, is most 
likely to occupy your place. 

Then the Magistrate replied: I am surrounded 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 217 

with difficulties on every hand. Whichever way I 
turn, some grave and overwhehning obstacle seem? 
to obstruct my progress. I love office, I love money, 
I love praise. These are the great objects of my 
existence. When in the pursuit of them, I can do a 
turn for conscience, I sometimes perform a duty ; 
though this is seldom; I naturally wish to appear 
well before the People, and I am equally anxious to 
secure the approbation of the Slaveholders w-ho 
rule the People. Office and money come from 
you, praise from the People. I am now in a crisis 
in which office, money, and praise seem to be put 
in jeopardy. It will not do to call out the national 
soldiery, for that will bring matters to a pass in 
which it will be necessary to throw off all disguise 
in the matter of Popular Sovereignty, and disclose 
my real sentiments. Neither will it do to withhold 
the soldiers, for then the Slaveholders will lose the 
control of the territory. The subject fills me with 
the intensest anxiety; my sleep is disturbed; my 
digestion is irregular; my democracy has struck in — 
Here the Magistrate changed color, and before 
his associates were aware, had fainted in his seat. 
Gathering around him, one suggested one remedy, 
and another another, to restore him; but the Master 
of the Forces putting them all away, advanced, and 
making a few mesmeric passes over his head, whis- 
pered these words : You shall be the next nominee, — 
when to the surprise of all, he slowly opened his 
eyes, and sitting a few moments, apparently recov- 
ered his full consciousness, when he arose and left 

the room. 

19 



213 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Then said the President's Lawyer: Our next 
democratic President must be a man of more nerve, 
if the government is to be administered with effi- 
ciency and dignity. These fainting fits derange 
everything. 

It would be just as well, in my opinion, said the 
Master of the Forces, if the next democratic Presi- 
dent were to have no will at all; for then some of his 
Cabinet could act and speak for him on all occa- 
sions. The difficulty with this one is, that some- 
times he has no will of his own — when we counsel 
for him; and then he recovers resolution, and goes 
so fanatically to work, that he knocks all our plans 
into pieces, which makes the doings of om- admin- 
istration bear a very checkered look. These fitful, 
fainting Presidents are not the thing. 

Well, said the Lawyer, in the present emergen- 
cy, I would recommend that the United States sol- 
diers be sent into the territory, not to repress the 
efforts of the Non-Slaveholders openly, but ostensi- 
bly to keep order. Meantime their officers can lead 
on the border Slaveholders to thwart every eff'ort for 
freedom on the part of the free state settlers. Thus 
while we are apparently keeping order, we can 
thoroughly estabUsh Slavery. 

When this plan was proposed, it met the appro- 
bation of the Cabinet, and the national soldiery 
went forthwith to the new Territory to keep order; 
and the order which they kept was such as rules in 
Warsaw. 



LIV. 

THE INSURRECTION. 

P.esistance to Tyrants is obedience to G-od. 

A SOUTHERN orator pronouncing an oration on 
the national holida}-, said : There are two maxims 
which the freeman should ever remember and prac- 
tise. One is, that eternal vigilance is the price of 
liberty. The reason of this is found in the consti- 
tution of man and society. The love of power and 
property will always be the two passions which will 
most strongly engross the human breast. The love 
of power makes the possessor of that passion ca- 
pable of commanding, and commanding with sever- 
it}^, and a genius for command extorts an involun- 
tary deference from the masses of men, and that 
deference is followed by obedience. The natural 
ruler of men is acknowledged by a species of mag- 
netism wherever he makes his appearance. He 
orders, and there is submission ; he wills, and his 
will is law. Such men at once organize and enslave 
society. In time, the one natural ruler must quar- 
rel with his peers to maintain even a partial 
supremacy. Then the masses take one step toward 
the possession of their rights. For when equal 

(219) 



220 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

lords fall out, they must buy the aid of each other's 
vassals, by conceding privileges. But if the quar- 
rel be long continued, then one lord at last having 
destroyed all his equals, rules supreme over all the 
vassals, by prerogative alone. Then prerogative 
dies, and property rules over a people equal before 
the law. But as property goes on accumulating 
in fev^er hands, it deserts the People more and more, 
the men of power join with the men of property to 
establish laws to extend the area of Poverty, and 
finally the People return to that vassalage which 
was their original condition. So the maxim, Eter- 
nal vigilance is the price of liberty, means. Let the peo- 
ple beware of a perpetually increasing inequality of 
property. But if the People have become mere 
tenants at sufferance of the earth, if they are 
reduced to Poverty and Servitude, then they majr 
well practise the second maxim: Resistance to 
tyrants is obedience to God. For as the tyrant 
rules by a sheer outrage on the rights of his slave, 
the forcible overthrow of the tyrant becomes the 
establishment of those rights which God ordains, 
and is, therefore, obedience to Him. This maxim 
is so nearly self-evident, that reasoning cannot 
make it clearer. The victim of the tyrant feels it 
to be true. 

Now a number of slaves were preparing a ban- 
quet within hearing of the speaker's voice, and the 
words which he had uttered struck home, and one 
said to another : If resistance to tyrants is obedi- 
ence to God, then we have a way in which we can 
obey God. Surely we who are robbed of all our 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 221 

earnings save a mere pittance of food and clothing, 
are poor ; surely, we who are denied the pursuit of 
happiness, and the enjoyment of life ; who cannot 
marry, but only live in concubinage; who can pos- 
sess no property to call our own, and no certain 
home but the gravx ; who are compelled to sweat 
that others may enjoy; to live in daily fear of the 
scourge, and worship only as our taskmasters say, 
are slaves. Certainly they who inflict all these ills 
upon us, while they boast of their own freedom — 
they are the tyrants ! and resistance to them is obe- 
dience to God ! Let us put in practice, what our 
teacher recommends. 

So they formed a conspiracy against their mas- 
ters. And not long thereafter, there arose at mid- 
night, over a wide district among the homes of 
the Slaveholders, the flames of burning houses. 
And the groans of strong men slain in darkness, 
and the wails of women and children, looking at the 
slaughter of husbands and fathers, were heavy on 
the winds, and the smoke of blood filled the heav- 
ens. For the rage of the risen slaves knew no 
bounds, and they were sending their masters to 
judgment, believing that resistance to tyrants is 
obedience to God. 



THE NATIONAL GLORY. 

National Glory consists in the possession of a Sound Democ- 
racy, a series of Democratic Presidents, and a labor- 
ing class of Slaves, governed by a corps 
of Slaveholders. 

An Alien, dining with the Chief Magistrate of the 
American Union, conversation turned on the ques- 
tion, What constitutes national glory? and after 
the Alien had expressed his own opinion, he asked 
the Magistrate to declare his, saying, that one in 
his position must be expected to know what true 
glory is, better than persons in a private station. 
So that great officer, first drinking a glass of wine 
to clear his throat, turned to the Alien and the other 
guests at the table, and proceeded to speak in this 
wise : You did well to ask my opinion. 1 am ac- 
quainted with glory individually, and I know in 
what the glory of a nation consists. And as the 
result of my studies, I come to the conclusion that 
there are four elements in the latter. The first is, 
a numerous laboring population, or productive 
class. As a nation needs for a basis of its strength 
an amjde supply of the necessaries of life, it needs 

multitudes to till the ground, to raise its grain, 
(222) 



• LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 223 

its cotton, its sugar, to open its mines of iron and 
coal, to build its cities and ships, and construct its 
highways. But as cotton and sugar are the greatest 
necessaries of life, the greater part of a nation's 
laborers should be made to produce these without 
wages, so that the nation shall get these valuable 
products at the least cost. The producers of all 
other necessaries save cotton and sugar, should be 
paid just as small wages as it is possible to get their 
work for. These two classes of laborers should lie 
at the foundation of the social edifice^ and the edi- 
fice itself should rest, as it were, on their backs. 
The institution of these two classes of servile labor- 
ers is the basis of national glory. 

The second element of that glory is a sound De- 
mocracy, by which I mean a People resolutely bent 
on keeping up the two classes of laborers by their 
votes, — one class as I said to labor for nothing, and 
the other for next to nothing. Undoubtedly such a 
people would be a little blind to their own interests, 
inasmuch as all the laborers must at last come from 
their ranks. But that blindness adds all the more 
to the glory. A People ready to vote itself into 
any condition at the behests of its party leaders, is 
p3culia]-ly blessed. 

The third element of national glory is a body of 
lords, or gentlemen, who shall own the producers 
of cotton and sugar, and be joint stock-holders of 
the sound Democracy. Such an order of lords, 
seems to me the very bright point in all the glory, a 
kind o^ gloria in excelsis. They w^ould constitute a 
fountain of grandeur and greatness perennial and 
inexhaustible. 



224: LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

The fourth element is a series of democratic 
Chief Magistrates, by which I understand a body of 
agents of the lords, who shall execute their ordi- 
nances, and be appointed by them through the blind 
action of the People to empty the treasury, and keep 
the people in subjection to the lords. 

These are the prime elements of national glory, 
in my view. As things are, it is hard to make the 
real conform to the ideal. A more perfect system 
would be one in which the sound Democracy should 
all be converted into serviles of the first class, 
so that the nation would be constituted after this 
model : Lowest stratum in society, Slaves. Sec- 
ond, National Officers. Third, or top-most order, 
Lords, or Slaveholders. 

My own policy as Chief Magistrate, has always 
been directed towards this ideal social system. 
The more you can impoverish the free laborer, the 
more rapidly you can bring him to the condition of 
a slave. The shortest way to accomplish this end, 
is to bring the slave to work beside the freeman. 
He, laboring for no wages at all, soon brings the 
freeman to the same terms. Thoroughly impover- 
ished, he ceases to be a landholder, his lands pass 
into the hands of the Lords, and his political free- 
dom goes with it. When we have stripped our 
Democracy of their lands and living wages, we shall 
dispense with their services ; at present, we need 
their votes to hriiig them to that condition. I think 
they may be safely counted on to extend Slavery into 
the virgin territory of the republic, and into all the 
so-called free states. I take inexpressible delight 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 225 

in seeing them forge their own fetters, and they 
have done more in that way during my administra- 
tion than ever before. 

Beside the constitutive elements of national glory, 
there are certain ornaments and graces that sparkle 
in it, which need to be mentioned. 

One is, a sound Democracy, bound by law to 
chase the slaves who are one degree lower than 
themselves, and return them to their common mas- 
ters. The actual operation of this law developes 
actions whose beauty must be seen to be felt. 
America has already produced a peer to the Roman 
Yirginius, in the person of a slave mother, who 
slew her offspring to preserve it from violation. I 
feel a great delight in the reflection, that my hand 
is on the screw whose pressure can extort from the 
servile heart displays of virtue so enchanting. 

Another ornament is the traffic in slaves. When 
this is carried on under the very folds of the na- 
tional flag, there is a grace in it which no tongue 
but an angefs can adequately describe. Especially 
is this true, when young infants are sold from their 
mother's arms. In a scene of that kind, the last 
and most delicate lustre of our glory comes con- 
spicuously to view, dazzling the eyes of all be- 
holders. 

But still another grace can be found in prohibit- 
ing the settling of new territories by persons op- 
posed to Slavery. Where, as in this country, the 
People emigrate to unoccupied districts with the 
avowed purpose of establishing free institutions, it 
is a glorious exhibition to see the national soldiery 



226 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

employed to harass and destroy them, to burn then* 
towns and villages, and to support Slaveholders in 
robbing and murdering them.. In my administra- 
tion, the world has witnessed for the first time 
scenes like these. Even Greece and Rome, when 
establishing colonies, did not require Slavery as a 
sine qua non in the founding of new states. It was 
reserved for me long after Greece and Rome had 
perished, to show on what basis new states should 
be built. I feel proud of my position and proud of 
the fame which shall be mine in posterity. I think 
no President, not excepting the immortal Washing- 
ton, will stand so fair in history a hundred years 
hence, as myself. For the world will point to my 
monument, and say: There lies one who understood 
in what consists national glory, who knew how to 
temper liberty with conservative elements, and 
force America forward to ideal heights of felicity, 
by transforming the People into Democrats and 
slaves. This is the patriot who suppressed freedom 
in Kansas by the strong arm of the government, 
and elevated the Slave Power to undisturbed do- 
minion over the whole People. Requiescat in 
pulvere. 

Then answered the Alien : I am happy to hear 
so clear an elucidation of the sources of national 
glory, and w^hen I return to Europe, I shall take 
great pleasure in unfolding these views to poor 
Frenchmen and Germans, and refer to the President 
of the great Republic as my instructor. For while 
they set forth a glorious model of social relations 
to those nations, they will afford great encourage- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 227 

ment to all in the old world struggling for liberty, 
and will not offend the ruling powers. 

And while you are expounding them to the en- 
slaved masses there, I hope, said the Magistrate, 
you will not forget to inform them that America is 
the home of the oppressed of all nations. 

Certainly, said the Alien, I shall not forget to 
mention so patent a truth. 



LVI. 

THE CHIEF MAGISTRATE ENTRANCED. 

"WTien a Pro Slavery President speaks the truth, he is in an 
abnormal condition. 

A President made a great levee, and invited all 
the Embassadors of the foreign powers, the Heads 
of Departments, the Congressmen of his party, and 
many citizens, to be present. So they all came, 
and crowded a great drawing-room of his palace, 
and the Magistrate took his stand to receive them. 
But now as he was putting forth his hand to salute 
the first of his guests, a strange paroxysm seized 
him. His limbs were violently convulsed, his eyes 
rolled back in his head, great drops of sweat stood 
on his forehead, and a paleness as of death gath- 
ered over his features. Then the crowd were 
frightened, thinking that a fit had come upon him, 
and were about to remove him from the room, when 
standing rigid in his place, he began to speak in 
these words : 

There come crises in the history of all great 
nations, when they are tried by their evil geniud. 
If they pass the trial wisely, they continue to pros 
per for indefinite periods; but if they fail, they go 
(228) 






■<fe:^ 





4/' THE CHIEF MAG-ISTSATE ENTEANCED. 



^'Ox 






12;^^^ 



■6=^^H?= 



■^=^^^ 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 231 

on rapidly to decline, and finally cease to exist. 
This nation is passing one of these periods of trial. 
It is a question with her of Freedom or Slavery. 
If Freedom become national, her glory will grow 
brighter and brighter for ages to come ; but if 
Slavery become national, her career will be short, 
and mean, and miserable. The masses, white and 
black, will be reduced ere long to the level of a 
common servitude. Great lords will arise upon the 
backs of slaves to absolute despotism over the Peo- 
ple themselves. They will quarrel with one anoth- 
er, marshal the People in bloody factions, and lead 
them by a swift descent to utter ruin. The indi- 
vidual who is now unconsciously addressing you, is 
an agent of the genius of Universa.1 Slavery. A 
consummate hypocrite, he would cheat the People 
themselves of the power of self-government, and 
do it in the very name of Democracy. He is ser- 
vile and selfish to the last degree. For the Presi- 
dency, he would sell his country and all its rights 
forever, to the Slave Power. He has no conscience 
in these matters whatever. He despises the People, 
while he flatters, and he flatters to betray them. He 
is only one of a long list of greedy cormorants, 
who are using the name of Democracy to de- 
ceive the People, in order to fatten on their good 
things. He who now speaks to you is no worse 
than others who are eager for his place. He is a 
pliant tool of the accursed Power that rales your 
nation, — a tool which they are using to rivet irrevo- 
cably upon you the chains of the most contempt- 
ible despotism. May this nation learn to despise 



232 LEAYEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

creatures who make use of Slavery to climb into 
power, — creatures like the speaker, who will stick 
at nothing that will aid in the extension of Slavery, 
and the destruction of liberty. 

Here several of the bystanders became very 
much excited, and rushing in upon the Magistrate, 
they dragged him away to a private room. But he 
soon recovering, could not believe what they de- 
clared he had said of himself. For, said he, I do 
not even think the truth in these matters. How 
then could I speak it? 



LVII. 
THE UNEXPECTED PROPHECY. 

The Sla-veholders are not the South 

By the parlor-fire of a southern hotel, sat a 
party of Slaveholders conversing on the best means 
of keeping the People blind to their proceedings, 
and maintaining their control of them, when one 
said : The South must first of all claim the right 
to immigrate to any territory of the Republic with 
her slaves. We must represent that the exclusion 
of ourselves and our property from any portion of 
the country is a crying injustice, in conflict with the 
Constitution, and which if persisted in, will result in 
a dissolution of the Union. For we can easily 
make the People believe that the South has the 
integrity of the Union in her own keeping, and that 
if we once withdraw our support, the country 
would become a prey to anarchy, and the People 
would have no protection from foreign enemies. 
They think now that their salvation depends upon 
an alliance with us, and we must harp on that 
string till it becomes an impression so fixed that 
their children will be born with a constitutional 
fear of disunion and reverence for Slaveholders. 
We must teach them to inquire on all occasions 
20 (233) 



234 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

when a new political measure is proposed, What 
will the South think of it? So that if they need a 
tariff on imported goods, they will ask first, Does 
the South wish it? If they wish a rail-road to the 
Pacific, they will ask, Where will the South be 
pleased to have it built? If they wish a President, 
let them inquire. Does the South like the man? Is 
there public money to be expended? Let them first 
run and see if we cannot use it for them. Is the 
country to be represented at foreign courts? Let 
them look around for a Slaveholder. The People 
are servile already, but not nearly so much as they 
should be. We must fill their stupid heads full of 
awe for the South, and get them unchangeably 
habituated to wait our orders, and do our pleasure. 
The South likes this, the South dislikes that — such 
considerations should control all their public action. 
And if we can get our slave institutions free ad- 
mission into all parts of the Republic, then all that 
may come to pass in a degree of which we do not 
now dream. For when our Slavery is every where 
tolerated, we can put our feet on the necks of the 
People themselves. How magnificent will be the 
power of the South, when we own as property, not 
only our Slaves, but the whole body of Non-Slave- 
holders — when we become the government, and 
are enabled to restrict one by one the liberties of 
the People, and finally establish a monarchy! We 
are the South, and the People shall be our slaves, 
with those we already have. 

Now one of the Southern People sat listening to 
this discourse, and being exceedingly incensed, he 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 235 

turned to the Slaveholders and said : You scoun- 
drels ! who made you the South? You contemptible 
crew of tyrants, who number in all but three hun- 
dred and fifty thousand, who constituted you the 
lords of the People? By what arts have you succeed- 
ed in arrogating- to yourselves the government of 
this Union? You forsooth are the South, because you 
own three millions of Slaves, and keep six millions 
of us Non-Slaveholders in abject poverty. And you 
claim a right to carr\^ Slavery wherever the Non- 
Slaveholder may go! Is it to keep us forever poor, 
that you claim it? Do you wish to own all the land 
of the Union, as well as all the bodies of its People, 
that 3"ou set up such a claim? Where shall be the 
People's homes, if your plantations cover all the 
earth? How shall the Non-Slaveholder get pay for 
his labor, if you compel millions to work for noth- 
ing? A right to take slaves with you into the ter- 
ritory of the People! No; you have no right even 
to hold a slave, much less to use him to deprive us 
of homes and of labor. This we are beginning to 
understand. We Non Slaveholders will first shut 
out your slaves from the new" territories of the 
Union, and then we will emancipate them. We 
will enlarge the areas of freedom from the very 
doors and hearth-stones of you Slaveholders. We 
will compel you to pay them wages, that we may 
find wages ourselves. We will force you to let 
them go and come as they please, in the pursuit of 
happiness, that our own liberty may be enlarged. 
Remember that by using the powers of Congress to 
extend your oppressions, you have set us the ex- 



236 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

ample to use the same powers, in extending liberty; 
and the day is not far distant, when an act of Con- 
gress shall break every chain in the land. Remem- 
ber, that when the People move for freedom, it will 
be the descent of an avalanche, irresistible and 
overwhelming. Not long hereafter, and there will 
be no slaveholding embassadors to foreign courts, 
no slaveholding judges, no slaveholding generals, 
no slaveholding legislators, for the land will be 
purified of the whole brood of you. You shall be 
exterminated as Slaveholders by the fiat of the 
People. 



LVIII. 

THE PATKIOT'S PORTRAIT. 

American Statesmen are expected not so much to love Liberty 
as to profess a love for it. 

An American embassador to England, by accident 
discovered an original portrait of one who two cen- 
turies before had been a great benefactor to that 
country, by his sturdy resistance to the oppressive 
acts of the monarch who ruled it. Thinking to 
achieve some honor as a lover of liberty, and to get 
somewhat of the old patriot's glory reflected upon 
himself, the embassador procured the portrait and 
sent it to the American Congress, that it might be 
kept as a precious memorial among the nation's 
sacred relics. But when a motion was made in the 
Senate for its reception, discussion arose upon the 
motion, and a Slaveholder expressed his sentiments 
in these words : 

It strikes me, honorable Senators, that we ought 
not to be overhasty in receiving gifts of this kind. 
The personage whose portrait is here offered to us 
so freely, if I rightly recollect, was an opponent of 
the constituted authorities of his people, who 
carried his hostility so far as actually to disobey 
the government, and to connive at an appeal to 

(237) 



238 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

arms to make his disobedience effective. He pro- 
fessed to be devoted to the hberty of the People, it 
is true ; but he must be poorly read in history, who 
is ignorant that the greatest of crimes have been 
perpetrated in liberty's name. I care nothing for 
this old patriot's professions ; I look at his acts, 
and I find that his exertions for liberty began with 
opposing the powers that be. A singular com- 
mencement for displays of patriotism ! a strange 
fountain for popular freedom, in rebellion! The 
king, his master, sought to extend his paternal 
sway farther than had been done by his ancestors, 
and to unite his subjects to the throne by stronger 
ties than they had previously felt, and this pretend- 
ed patriot both kicked at the enlarged paternity, 
and hewed away the ties ! It is clear that by hon- 
oring such a patriot we but encourage rebellion to 
the government, and call into life a brood of similar 
patriots who will find the Constitution itself none 
too good to be resisted and defied. For in these 
days when fantastic and impracticable notions of 
equality are rife among the People, some fanatic 
may soon begin to inquire how it comes that so 
many more Slaveholders are in Congress than a 
perfect equality would allow; and when he learns 
that we are here by a provision of the Constitution • 
which no amendment can remove, will he not ex- 
hort the People to walk through the Constitution 
as if it were mere gas? So there is danger in such 
portraits w^hen nationall}^ received, on account of 
their suggesting notions of equality prejudicial to 
the Constitution. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 239 

But I feel some delicacy in receiving it, on an- 
other score. To speak the plain truth, I dislike the 
words liberty and freedom more than any others in 
our vocabulary. I am a Slaveholder, and how can 
it be otherwise? I never hear them without a pain- 
ful inward consciousness of my relations to the 
Golden Rule. Of course I am not particularly 
fond of portraits of martyrs to liberty. It is as 
much as I can endure, to look every day at the flag 
that flies over this hall, and to listen to a President's 
message once a year, though the praises of liberty 
in this document are only stereotyped phrases, and 
are not supposed to mean any thing. Northern 
Senators, to whom the words liberty and freedom 
are of no especial significance, should excuse our 
sensitiveness to sounds, images, and pictures, sug- 
gestive of the reality for which these words stand. 
Because they are insensible to that reality, they 
should not think that all Slaveholders are so. I 
insist that it is peculiarly ungracious in them to be 
plying us with pictures and memorials suggestive 
of liberty, just because they see no particular 
meaning in them, and are fond of pictures and 
public documents. 
Then a Northern Senator spoke in reply : 

It appears to me, that the honorable Senator 
makes altogether too extravagant an estimate of 
the eftects likely to flow from memorials of liberty. 
The Declaration of Independence has been publicly 
read in the Northern section of this Union, on the 
anniversary of our national holiday, during a period 
of eighty years, and to this day the People are not 



240 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

conscious of any inconsistency between professing 
liberty, and being governed by Slaveholders. 
There is no fear that pictures of English patriots 
distinguished for their devotion to liberty, will ex- 
cite any great regard for freedom in their hearts, or 
make them dissatisfied with any clauses in our 
glorious Constitution which enable Slaveholders to 
rule them. And if the People do not feel any 
emotions of this kind, it is not expected that we 
their representatives should be affected by them. 
So that the extraordinary privileges of Slavehold- 
ers are not likely to be endangered, nor will the 
present Constitution cease to be their everlasting 
palladium. 

As to the sensitiveness of the honorable Senator 
touching the incongruity of his professions and 
his practice, he ought to know that it is the 
first thing of which every statesman should 
endeavor to rid himself. To profess one thing, 
and practise another, is one of the great arts of 
statesmanship. And in America it is more in de- 
mand than in any other country. For while our 
People are indiff'erent to a statesman's practice, 
they do desire an indefinite quantity of talk about 
liberty. Only keep up the profession of regard for 
it, and you may act as you please. In general, I 
would say, let an American statesman's practice 
in regard to liberty, be in the greatest possible an- 
tagonism to his professions, and he possesses the 
most enduring basis for the esteem of the People, 
or, at least, of the sound Democracy. Do not fear, 
then, I would say to the honorable Senator, the in- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 241 

flaence of this English patriot's portrait. Do not be 
afraid to look at it on account of its suggesting any 
thing unpleasant touching the Golden Rule. Do 
not send it away to the hall of the Patent Office, 
nor to the National Institute, nor into the Supreme 
Court-room. But let us bring it into the hall of the 
Senate, and suspend it above the chair of the 
speaker, so that while we are passing Fugitive-Slave 
bills, destroying Popular Sovereignty, annulling old 
Compromises and patching new ones, we may grin 
defiance at the picture of the old English patriot, 
congratulating ourselves that while we are uproot- 
ing the liberty he struggled to establish, we are 
making the world ring with our professions of de- 
votion to it. 

This recommendation was heard with a murmur 
of delight; and the patriot's portrait was reserved 
to adorn the hall of the Senate, so that there might 
ever be in sight a souvenir to remind that honora- 
ble body of the liberty w^hich it is so inclined to 
destroy. 
21 



LIX. 

THE BESOTTED ALIEX. 

The Alien who would ostracise the native Colored Man, 

should not be surprised to find himself ostracised 

by the native White. 

A NATURALIZED Citizen about to cast his first vote 
in America, was solicited by a National Democrat 
to act with his party, as no other in the country 
loved and defended the freedom of universal hu- 
manity. Being asked to show how this love for 
freedom was manifested, the Democrat said : You 
know, perhaps, that we have in our land a great 
multitude of blacks. More than three millions of 
them are slaves, and it is very well that they are. 
They have been trying for nearly a hundred years 
to make slaves of us white people, but they have 
not succeeded yet. They are a very dangerous 
class of society. They come into the North and 
seize upon all the lucrative occupations which we 
whites ought to have, and thus prevent our getting 
a comfortable living. The business of barbers, 
boot-blacks, hostlers, and chimney-sweeps, is nearly 
all monopolized by them, and they leave us nothing 
(2^2) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 243 

but agriculture, the mechanic arts, and commerce 
to attend to. Pretty soon we whites, you perceive, 
will have nothing to do. But that is not all. These 
blacks have a terrible hankering for Amalgamation, 
particularly with Democrats ; and we stand in mor- 
tal fear that the time is not far distant, when wc 
shall all lose our pure white color, and not knoAv^ 
to which race we belong. There is but one escape 
for us from this impending calamity. The proprie- 
tors of the National Democracy, who reside in the 
South, and own already between three and four 
millions of blacks, are ready to meet this danger of 
Amalgamation half-way, and take the whole prac- 
tice of it into their own keeping. But to this end 
they wish us to surrender all the vacant territory of 
the Republic to them, so that they can collect all 
the black population of the country into the far 
West, and carry the business to heights which no 
man can measure. They say they can make it 
profitable, if they only had more room to operate 
in ; and the half of the Republic not being suffi- 
ciently large for this purpose, they propose to make 
a slave region of all our unoccupied territory, and 
even convert our free states into slave parks to 
save us from this imminent peril. Can any project 
be more benevolent, or more opportune for us? 
You know very well that these blacks are a detest 
able race, and your regard for humanity ought to 
be so exercised as to save the pure Democracy from 
contamination. Vote with us, and all will be well. 
Join us permanently, and you will never need to do 
any thinking for yourself upon any public measure. 



244 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Submit to the guidance of the proprietors of the 
party, and while you witness the glory of your 
adopted country augmenting with indescribable 
velocity, you will see Amalgamation vanish in un- 
limited diffusion. 

Then said the Alien : I do not quite approve of 
diffusing Amalgamation to get rid of it. It seems 
to me that the greater the area over which you 
allow the negro to reside, the closer and the more 
frequent the contact between him and the pure 
democrat; and that, in time, there will be such a 
variety of colors involved in Slaver}^ that the pure 
white man himself will be thought none too good 
for it; if ^''ou allow the proprietors of the Democracy 
a monopoly of Amalgamation. However, I owe 
the detestable black race such a grudge, that out 
of sheer dislike to it, I will aid any party that will 
add new rivets to its chains. 

You will then vote with us, said the Democrat. 

Certainly, said the Alien. 

By this course, said the other, you will experi- 
ence a new pleasure — that of professing one thing, 
and doing another — of w^hich if a man get but one 
sip, he will follow it up wdth so many others, that 
he will in time come to believe his own lies, and at 
last graduate a confirmed democrat. 

So the Alien was numbered among the National 
Democracy, and cast his influence to degrade the 
black race. Not long thereafter, the Order of Igno- 
rami burst into being, animated with the narrowest 
prejudices against aliens, and forthwith set to 
work to array the whole native population against 
them. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES, 245 

Then the Alien raised a great cry against op- 
pression, and made his whole neighborhood ring 
with bitter declamation against the native Ameri- 
can. And he charged that while toleration of all 
races and nations was professed in the land of his 
adoption, and a promise of free citizenship offered 
to the oppressed exile, that the profession and the 
promise were alike empty and unmeaning ; that 
America was a home only of swaggering liars and 
unequalled hypocrites. 

But a true friend of humanity hearing his com- 
plaints said : You miserable fool ! By what right 
do you complain of the native white American's 
harsh treatment of yourself, when you cater and 
duck to his prejudices against the native black 
man? Have you so little wit as not to see that the 
same narrowness of soul that degrades the native 
negro on account of his color, is the very root of 
the prejudice against the alien? that he who can- 
not treat a black as if he were a human being, is 
just the one to make the accidents of birth or rank 
the measure of his regards for a white ? Wretched 
dunce ! how will you make the rights of the alien 
sacred unless you derive that sanctity from the 
bare quality of his human nature? With what 
face shall you ask for free citizenship, when you 
do all you can to wrest it from the native negro? 
Do you flee from the oppression of aristocracies of 
rank at home, to build up here an aristocracy of 
color? Do you shout democracy*, and lend your 
aid to those who enslave millions? Then receive 
your reward. Suffer in silence the disgraces which 



246 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

our stingy-souled whites put upon you. If they 
disfranchise you, do not complain. Say: So would 
I -do by the black. If they would shut you out ot 
all honorable employments, say : So would I do by 
the black. If they point their fingers at you in 
scorn as if you were unworthy of equality with 
themselves, say : So would 1 do by the black. 
Say to yourself: The injustice which I am willing 
to do the lowest in the scale of society, rebounds, 
and brings me to their level. The democracy that 
would enslave those whose greatest degradation is 
a dark skin, fosters a spirit and a party that would 
enslave poverty because it is helpless, and the 
alien because he has not native blood. I must 
learn so to act as to make the rights of men 
sacred, simply because they are men. I must cul- 
tivate no prejudices in the American people that 
may react against me; no prejudices against color 
and race, because these may by slight occasion be 
converted into aversion to myself. I will take care, 
in a world full of hypocrisies, and in a country 
flatulent with extravagant pretensions to freedom, 
to avoid being ensnared by great professions. As 
in my own country I always expected the greatest 
displays of t^Tanny from that quarter whence came 
the greatest pretensions to paternal regard for the 
people, so in this land, in that direction whence 
emanate the loudest cries for Democracy, there 
will I look for the most impudent and shameless 
disregard of it. 

If you aliens would only lay such reflections to 
heart, and practise accordingly, you would teach 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 247 

our little-souled white natives some magnanimity, 
and fix your own rights on an enduring basis. 
Bat remember that that form of democracy that 
uses you to oppress the black, will itself spawn 
innumerable parties in time to harass you and 
restrict your liberties. 



LX. 

THE BORDER RUFFIANS. 

The Border Puuffians reside in the City of the Capitol 

An honest country Democrat hearing a great 
deal said about Border Ruffians, but not knowing 
what to understand by the words, called on the 
President of the Union, and asked what they meant, 
saying: These words are very mysterious to me. 
We democrats who live in the country, very natu- 
rally suppose that when we have made a President 
and the chief officers of government, we have got 
into one mass the concentrated wisdom and honesty 
of the whole nation. So we generally sit down in 
quiet, and trust that all things will go on very well 
without any further concern of ours. For we think 
it the part of a good democrat never to distrust 
our leaders, and to abide by their proceedings, as 
the highest possible guide of right and wrong, and 
to follow wherever they lead, though it should be 
to the place where they say the Evil One makes his 
home. And it is clear that if we did not follow our 
leaders blindly, there would be fewer democratic 
Presidents than there have been. But when our 
leaders have all the wisdom and honesty, we don't 
see how they can possibly get into trouble in steer 
(248) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 249 

ing the ship of state. For ships of state, I sup- 
pose, are not like other ships, blown along by winds 
from without the vessel; but the crew sit down 
around the sails, with large wdnd organs, and 
blow at them, in the direction they wish to go, and 
the voyage is made very pleasantly. How is it 
then in the matter of these Border Ruffians ? What 
are they? do they embarrass the democratic ad- 
ministration? I hear that they give you trouble, 
and I don't see how it can be. Please explain 
who they are, and what they do. 

Then answered the President : It is a very long 
story about these Border Ruffians, but I think I can 
make you understand it. There are four parties 
in this nation, as you may perhaps know. The 
Slaveholders, the Slaves, the Democracy, and the 
People. The second and third are almost cyphers 
in our political system. The first and the fourth 
are units. Put the democratic cypher by the slave- 
holding unit, and both together will attract the 
slave cypher to themselves, and make a hundred 
against the People, who are thus made a little bet- 
ter than a cypher. Put the democratic cypher 
beside the unit of the People, and they also will 
attract to themselves the slave cypher, and make a 
hundred against the Slaveholders, who will b}^ the 
same process become nothing. By a democrat I 
understand a natural ally and tool of the Slave- 
holder. I am a democrat in this sense. Now the 
Slaveholders wish to make so many of the People 
democrats, that the People will become a cypher, 
or in other words, that they may count a thousand, 



250 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

and the People nothing. Now this is the upshot of 
democratic policy. It may be summed up in one 
word: How can the Slaveholders be made ever}'- 
thing. and the People nothing? Well, the matter 
stands thus: The People owned a large territory 
in the West, in which they were calculating to es- 
tablish free institutions, such as free suffrage, free 
homesteads, free pursuit of happiness, equality 
before the la^v, and many other such chimeras for 
which a good democrat has no natural taste, and 
they were likely soon to occupy it, and make them- 
selves everything and the Slaveholders nothing. 
Anticipating this mischief to our masters, I con- 
ceived the wittiest plan to cheat the People that ever 
entered democrat's head. It was to get a surren- 
der of the whole of it to the Slaveholders, under 
pretence of Popular Sovereignty. The wit of the 
plan was, that whereas the Slaveholders had bound 
themselves to let the People have the exclusive 
right to establish the real Popular Sovereignty, I 
got a law passed to release the Slaveholders ffom 
their bargain, and let them into the territory, as if 
they were the real People. The plan was most ad- 
mirable, but unfortunately some of the People saw 
through it, and pretending to understand my Pop- 
ular Sovereignty in a literal sense, began to rush 
into it, and set up in the very face of the Slave- 
holder, those damnable free institutions I have just 
mentioned. I was in great perplexity. I began to 
fear that there would be no Slavery nor Democracy 
in Kansas, — nothing but Popular Sovereignty in 
dead earnest. But some valiant Slaveholders, at 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 251 

my instance, when elections were to be lield for the 
territorial Legislature and other offices, came into 
the t-ecritory from an adjoining State, drove away 
the free settlers from the polls, voted all liberty oat 
of the territory, and made slaveholdingjaws for the 
People there. But the laws, though of the very 
best ever ordained for a people, do not satisfy these 
free settlers. The fools are determined to govern 
themselves, and I have been obliged to threaten to 
let loose on them the army of the Union unless 
they submit. I am a little afraid to do this just 
yet ; but meanwhile I urge on the border Slavehold- 
ers, to do as much mischief as they dare, and har- 
ass the settlers all they can; which they have done, 
and have succeeded in robbing and murdering them 
to a greater extent than I could have expected, 
under the circumstances. For they are obliged to 
avoid tho. range of a certain murderous gun which 
will kill a man at a distance of half a mile. The 
Slaveholders have courage and chivalry enough, 
but they act on the maxim which governed me when 
I was in the war : Discretion is the better part of 
valor. However, they have drawn upon themselves 
the name of Border Ruffians, by their exceeding 
ferocity and cruelty to the settlers. So you per- 
ceive that a Border Ruffian means one who, in the 
joint interests of Democracy and Slavery, is ready 
and willing to murder a free settler, if he can do 
so without injury to himself Now as my colleagues 
in the government, and myself, connive at the oper- 
ations of these chivalrous Slaveholders, we are the 
real Border Ruffians, and I wish you to consider it 



252 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

an honorable appellation. You should get familiar 
with the name as soon as you well can, and learn 
to prize it. In a few years, after the Democracy 
are called upon to establish Slavery in the free 
states, and to extinguish free speech and a free 
press, hanging and imprisoning your fellow citizens 
who are refractory to such democratic laws and 
ordinances, will become quite a common business, 
and in those days our masters will expect every 
good democrat to do his duty. 

And are you and your colleagues, then, said the 
Democrat, the real Border Ruffians? 

We are, said the Magistrate. Here in the city 
of the Capitol do we make our home, and here are 
we to be sought for. 

Well, said the Democrat, may light shine on all 
your undertakings. 

I thank you for your good intentions, said the 
Magistrate, but we should prefer that light would 
not shine on all our undertakings. It would ruin 
the Democracy. 

Amazed at this declaration, the Democrat ab- 
ruptly left his presence ; for he had begun to sus- 
pect that it were better to be a mal-treated free 
settler in Kansas than a ruffian President at Wash- 
ington. 



LXI. 

THE YOUXa STATESMAN. 

The Cowardice of the North is the Strength of the South. 

When I look at the North, said a lordling to his 
slaveholding father, I at times despair of our domes- 
tic institutions. Fifteen millions of freemen, mas- 
ters of an immense territory which is fertile in soil, 
abounding in minerals, traversed by noble navigable 
lakes and rivers, the freemen themselves active 
and intelligent, strong with the aids of science and 
the arts, — how is it possible, I ask myself, that they 
should long submit to our dominion ? The physical 
force is with them, the wealth is theirs, and there 
is intelligence enough among them to control these 
elements. How easy for them to unloose the bonds 
of our slave population, and add all its strength to 
their own. Besides, our southern non-slaveholding 
whites would be but too ready to join with them, 
if they should seriously undertake the emancipation 
of our slaves. I cannot understand why they sub- 
mit to be ruled by us. We are but a few thousands; 
they count millions. How is it that they do not 
rise against our authority, take the control of the 
government into their own hands, and sweep oiu* 



254 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

domestic institutions away? They profess to love 
liberty, and they do so far love it as to.be unwilling 
to allow Slavery as a permanent institution in the , 
free states. Their reluctance to obey the Fugitive 
Slave Law proves that. Why do they not go a 
step beyond submission to our dictation, and dictate 
a little for themselves ? 

There are many reasons why they do not, said 
the father. In relation to us, there may be said to 
be four classes of society in the North. There is first 
the lowest stratum, made up of day-laborers, hire- 
lings, and creatures of that description, men of no 
property, nor intelligence, nor conscience. They 
are a timid and servile set, acting with no courage, 
excepting when on duty in a mob, and never acting 
in concert, except frorri an impulse to destroy a 
good thing, or to support some damnable institution 
which is a curse to themselves. There is next a 
larger class, mostly farmers, and industrious me- 
chanics, men of property and considerable, intelli- 
gence, generally moral, and as they call themselves, 
law-abiding. 

The next class is that of the politicians, who live 
by trading and speculating in public offices. The 
fourth is the commercial class, who engross most 
of the ready means of the North, and initiate most 
of its laws. 

Now the system of northern politics is this : The 
love of property is the ruling passion among the 
people. But property by its own laws, travels con- 
stantly from the many to the few, and there being 
few restrictions upon the intrinsic laws of property, 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 255 

the number of freeholding families is constantly 
decreasing, and that of its hireling and homeless 
day -laborers constantly augmenting. As, however, 
party divisions among free people must turn upon 
a struggle for Property^ or for Power, or for both, the 
party divisions in the North for a whole generation 
have turned upon the former, and therefore the es- 
sential quarrel has been between the hirelings — 
the mob class — and the commercial. The first has 
striven, unconsciously, however, to restrict the 
rights of property as against man, and the other to 
enlarge them. 

This quarrel has brought into existence the poli- 
ticians, part of whom seek office from love of pow- 
er and fame, but far the larger part from — the need 
of bread. These breadless and penniless politi- 
cians gather together under their banner the truly 
needy, and especially such as envy the rich, and go 
crusading against them in the several legislatures 
of the free states. But being a servile and das- 
tardly set, they never legislate so far as to diminish 
the hireling class, for they need to ride into office 
on their backs. They are careful never to legislate 
BO as to multiply freeholding families. 

The other set of' politicians who seek office from 
ambition mainly, take in hand the interests of 
bankers and merchants, in a word, of Capital, and 
appealing to the love of order and law, manage to 
combine the independent yeomanry and mechanics 
of the country in parties. This last set are gener- 
ally unsuccessful, because they lead men who are 
not driven by the spur of ivant, and who will not 



256 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

submit to the dictation of party leaders, and who 
put much less value upon the triumph over an 
opposing party than on the triumph of a principle. 
The former set of politicians, on the other hand, 
maintain a strict party discipline, by the skill with 
which they inspire their followers with tfie fear oj 
being beaten. This fear is just now the only princi- 
ple of cohesion among those followers. 

Political contests are, therefore, in the North, 
struggles to determine whether Property, as such, 
shall have greater privileges than Man; or in plain- 
er terms, whether the dependent and hireling class- 
es shall constantly augment in proportion to the 
independent freeholders. The dependent, or mob 
class, very justly say No, so far as their profound 
ignorance, and the devilish craft of their leaders 
will allow. Bat the commercial classes say Yes. 
The independent freeholders say sometimes Yes, 
and sometimes No, according as the issue between 
the competitors comes more or less clearly to light. 
They are in truth indifferent to the result of the 
contest between the two parties. 

Such is the system of home politics in the North. 
But in the national politics, the introduction of our 
slave system puts these several northern parties in 
a different relation to each other. We of the 
South wish not only to make Property superior in 
its privileges to Man, but to convert men into prop- 
erty, — to make what is now a hireling class in the 
North, chattels personal. That is the principle of 
southern politics. At present we find in national 
politics, the hireling politicians with their mob fol- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 257 

lowers, and the northern mercantile class, joined 
hand in hand to aid us, and the independent yeo- 
manry of the North arrayed against us. And the 
reason why they do not overturn our slave system 
is perfectly clear, though they have the strength 
to do it. 

The needy politicians who lead the northern mob 
fear to lose the offices, if they oppose our wishes. 

The northern merchants/e«?' to lose our trade. 

The northern freeholders fear to attack Slavery 
because they dread to violate the Constitution. 

The South may ahyays maintain its supremacy 
over the North if it will only cultivate these three 
northern terrors. 

We must thoroughly frighten the politicians with 
the threat of depriving them of office. 

We must frighten the merchants with the threat 
of taking away their trade. 

We mast terrify the independent freeholders ot 
the North, if they shall dream of assailing Slavery 
directly, by holding up to them the sanctity of the 
Constitution, and menacing a dissolution of the 
Union. 

When you come upon the stage of action, my 
son, bear in mind these three huge bug-bears; keep 
them always before the North, remembering that 
the cowardice of the North is the strength of the 
South. 
23 



LXII. 

THE DANGEROUS PRIVILEaE. 

Colored Persons should not be allowed to testify against 
V/hites, in cases of Ch-arch Discipline. 

In a general Council of one of the American 
Churches, a northern delegate proposed that a 
certain rule of procedure in cases of discipline, in 
force in his Church, should be repealed. The rule 
forbade a colored person to testily against a white 
brother or sister, where such brother or sister was 
charged with an oiTense requiring trial. The del- 
egate said: We are a Church of Christ, and as 
such we profess to love the Lord supremely and 
our brothers as ourselves. We are equals before 
the Lord, and we should treat each other as such, 
for this is an essential part of true Christianity. If 
a member of the Church be grieved or injured by 
his brother, and no atonement be made by the in- 
jurer, the aggrieved brother or sister should be 
allowed to bring the matter before the Church, 
and have it brought to a hearing. It is well known, 
however, that our colored, brethren are not allowed 
this privilege, for they are not permitted to testify 
or complain against the white brother who may 
have done them a wTong. This is destroying true 
(258) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 259 

Christian equality, and introducing invidious dis- 
tinctions among the members of Christ's body. 
By talking the colored person into the Church, we 
act on the belief that the Lord loves him as much 
as us who are white. And why should he not? 
We shall all be of one color at the last day. We 
should remember what the Apostle James says : 
If ye fulfil the Royal Law — Thou shalt love thy 
neighbor as thyself — ye do well. But if ye make 
a difference between persons, ye commit sin, and 
are convicted by the law of being transgressors. 
By refusing our colored brethren the right of testi- 
fying in the Church against the white brother, we 
make a great difference between persons, and are 
convicted of being great transgressors. Brethren, 
let us stand no longer under condemnation, but 
let us repeal this iniquitous rule, and make the 
colored brother truly equal to the white before the 
Lord. 

Then a southern delegate arose and responded : 
I am surprised to see such a proposition presented 
to the Council for adoption. It is pregnant with 
mischief to the Church and to the nation. The 
brother who offers this resolution must be ignorant 
of the constitution of society and the Church in 
the South, or he never would have urged it. Our 
social system is not based on the precepts of James, 
neither is our Church. The whole edifice of south- 
ern society rests on a distinction of persons, a 
very broad distinction of persons, for a small part 
of the whites own the larger part of the blacks. 
Being property, they are treated as property, and 



260 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

being animated, the blacks are considered by us 
as beasts of burden, as cattle. This institution 
exists among the world's people, and we take the 
world as we find it. In order to introduce the 
Gospel, we accomodate its precepts to the world. 
We do not in the South wage war on sins that 
have grown into institutions, but we work about 
so as to let some roots of these sinful institutions 
strike into the soil of the Church ; then as the in- 
stitutions grow up, something of the Church's 
sanctity entering the sap, penetrates every twig 
and bough, and leaf. That is the way we conse- 
crate human bondage. In itself somewhat wrong, 
we adopt it into the Church, and it is there sancti- 
fied. Thus the slave enters the southern Church 
in a twofold capacity, as a Beast, and as a Person, 
and receives a twofold treatment of course. As a 
Person, he is baptized, receives the sacrament, and 
has the Gospel preached to him ; as a Beast he is 
scourged more or less severely, according as the 
demands of the cotton-field require, poorly fed and 
clad, bought and sold, and allowed to gender off- 
spring for the market in a kind of quasi marriage. 
Now as our slaves are mostly black, does not the 
brother see, that if colored persons were allowed 
to complain and testify against their white breth- 
ren in the Church, the beastly relations of a large 
part of its members must necessarily cease? And 
if they cease in the Church will not they also be 
in danger of ceasing in the world? The whole 
social edifice would be shaken by the repeal of this 
wholesome rule. 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 261 

But we apprehend greater danger than would 
result to society, within the Church itself, from its 
repeal. The colored females in the Church would 
be induced to bring charges against their masters, 
both clerical and lay, which, if investigated by this 
rule, would too often, I fear, prove true. We are 
extremely sensitive on this point. We of the cler- 
ical order, in particular, fee] deeply. We have a 
reputation for sanctity which it is necessary to 
keep up, and the virtue of continence, alas, is no- 
Avhere strong among us. The warm climate, our 
sedentary habits, the example of distinguished 
planters in our several parishes, the high price ot 
comely mulattoes, and the unprotected condition 
of colored women, altogether form a combination 
of temptations, against which the rarest purity 
might in vain contend. And under the fostering 
influence of such stimuli, I need not say that the 
beastly relations of our church-members have at- 
tained an astonishing growth. Does our northern 
brother wish to have all the rare things committed 
in the southern branch of his Church rudely brought 
to light, and exposed to the laughter and derision 
of an impenitent world? Rather, would he not 
prefer, when our virtue is so little, that we should 
husband our reputation for sanctity and chastity 
with the greatest care? that we should let our 
light shine, lurid as we admit it to be, as far into 
the surrounding darkness as it can go? It is well 
for a Church to keep up the appearance of right- 
eousness, even though it have nothing of the sub- 
stance. We know the value of external sanctity 
in the southern Church, and we would like to keep 



262 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

our sepulchre white and beautiful without, how- 
ever much uncle anliness there may be within. Is 
the desire unreasonable in us, situated as we are? 

Let the brother imagine himself in our place. 
Suppose he were a pastor of a southern Church, 
that he had a reputation for learning, eloquence, 
and piety, that he were popular among the sur- 
rounding planters, perhaps the expected spouse of 
the heiress of a hundred negroes, a model to the 
country round of purity and grace. As time passes 
on, all the qualities for which he is admired take 
on a brighter lustre, and he reposes in an elysium 
of mingled popularity and pretended sanctity, from 
which he fondly dreams he is never to be disturbed. 
On a sudden some dozen colored women of his 
Church unite to charge him with a crime which I 
need not name, and under this rule testify against 
him. The charge is proved beyond all question, 
and in a day, as it were, popularity and pretended 
sanctity vanish, and the expected heiress is lost 
forever ! This is a mere fancy sketch, it is true, but 
facts quite like it would too often occur, if this 
rule were once rescinded. 1 beseech our northern 
brethren to do as they would be done by, and 
let it stand. 

By this eloquent appeal, the hearts of the north- 
ern brethren were profoundly affected, and recog- 
nising the severity of the necessity which lay upon 
their southren brethren, of protecting society and 
the Church against the jeers of the impenitent, and 
of keeping at least the outside of the platter bright 
and clean, they unanimously agreed to suffer the 
rule to stand. 



LXIII. 

THE INWARD MESSAGE. 

The Messages of our Democratic Presidents have an esoteric 
sense when they treat of Slavery. 

A President of the Union, having sent in a mes- 
sage to Congress, treated at considerable length, as 
is the manner of Presidents, upon the subject of 
Slavery. And the message having been read be- 
fore Congress, was published abroad among the 
People. Now, a citizen having received a copy of 
it, could not well understand the sense of that por- 
tion which treated of Slavery. So he forthwith 
posted to the President's house, and being admitted 
to an audience with that officer, requested him to 
explain the meaning of it. 

Then the Chief Magistrate, handing him a man- 
uscript, said : In order to govern the People cun- 
ningly, all democratic officers should say one thing 
and mean another. For the strings by which the 
People are led are hidden from their sight, neither 
are they often exposed, nor should they be. The 
great art of governing them lies in the art of mak- 
ing pretences which are never realized. Thus, in 

all public documents there should be a great show 

(263) 



264 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

of devotion to their welfare, while one really means 
something else. This is particularly necessary in 
our country, where there is a secret struggle going 
on for mastery between the People and the Slave 
Power. In all documents to be submitted to the 
People, it is necessary to address both these parties, 
but to represent the Slave Power as the aggrieved 
party, and to reason with the People as if they 
were aggressors, concealing from them the real 
state of matters between themselves and their op- 
ponents. In this manuscript you will find that 
portion of my public message which treats of 
Slavery, translated, or revealed in its inner sense. 
The inner sense we never present to the People. 
We Presidents experience much difficulty in so 
constructing our public writings as at once to blind 
the People and flatter the Slave Power ; but I think 
I have succeeded as well as any of my predecessors. 
So the citizen took the manuscript, and read as 
follows : 

THE PUBLIC MESSAGE. 

1. Placed in the office of Chief Magistrate as 
the executive agent of the whole country, bound to 
take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and 
specially enjoined by the Constitution, to give in- 
formation to Congress on the state of the Union, it 
would be palpable neglect of duty on my part to 
pass over a subject like this, which beyond all 
things, at the present time, vitally concerns indi- 
vidual and public security. 

Inner Sense. — Placed in the office of Chief Mag- 
istrate as the chief tool of the Slave Power, bound 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 265 

to see that the fanctions of my office shall be as 
thoroughly exercised in the interests of Slavery as 
my capacity will admit, and specially enjoined by 
the Constitution to give information to Congress 
on the state of the Union, it would be a palpable 
oversight of the best means to secure a re-nomina 
tion, to let slip such an opportunity to pettifog the 
cause of the Slave Power, and mystify the People 
in a matter that vitally concerns their individual 
and public security. 

2. It has been matter of painful regret to see 
States, conspicuous for services in founding this 
Republic, and equally sharing its advantages, dis- 
regard their constitutional obligations to it. Al- 
though conscious of their inability to heal admitted 
and palpable social evils of their own, and which 
are completely within their jurisdiction, they en- 
gage in the offensive and hopeless undertaking of 
reforming the domestic institutions of other States 
wholly beyond their control and authority. In the 
vain pursuit of ends, by them entirely unattainable, 
and which they may not legally attempt to com- 
pass, they peril the very existence of the Constitu- 
tion, and all the countless benefits which it has 
conferred. While the People of the southern 
States confine their attention to their own affairs, 
not presuming officiously to intermeddle with the 
social institutions of the northern States, too many 
of the inhabitants of the latter are permanently 
organized in associations to inflict injury on the 
former, by wrongful acts, wdiich would be cause of 
war as between foreign powers, and only fail to be 
such in our system, because perpetrated under 
cover of the Union. 
23 



266 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Inner Sense. — It has been a matter of painful 
regret to me to see States, conspicuous in founding 
the Republic, bearing the greater part of the ex- 
pense of ma,intaining, while they have less than 
their share in the government of it, exhibit so 
much restlessness under the control of the Slave 
Power. Conscious of their ability to heal great 
social evils of their own, they engage in the offen- 
sive, though almost hopeless task of ameliorating 
the condition of the non-slaveholding whites of the 
South, by preventing the extension of Slavery to 
territories under the jurisdiction of the whole 
Union. In the pursuit of this end, which I fear is 
too easily attainable, and which it is plainly legal 
to endeavor to accomplish, they menace the exist- 
ence of Slavery itself, and all the wonderful bless- 
ings that flow from it, as well as an amendment of 
the Constitution, so far as it allows Slaveholders 
unjust privileges in the government. While the 
Non-Slaveholders of the South, in the management 
of their own affairs, are virtually ciphers, and the 
Slaveholders, who are the real people in that sec- 
tion, very properly, in my view, aim a death-blow 
at the social institutions of the North by extending 
their own domestic institutions into the free States, 
too many of the People in these States are endeav- 
oring to restrict the Slaveholders' projects, by acts 
which would justify the Slave Power in deserting 
the Union, if they had the courage to leave. 

3. Is it possible to present this subject as truth 
and the occasion require, without noticing the 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 267 

reiterated, but groundless allegation, that the South 
has persistently asserted claims and obtained ad- 
vantages in the practical administration of the 
general government, to the prejudice of the North, 
and in which the latter has acquiesced? That is, 
the States which either promote or tolerate attacks 
on the rights of persons and of property in other 
States, to disguise their own injustice, pretend or 
imagine, and constantly aver, that they, whose 
constitutional rights are thus systematically as- 
sailed, are themselves the aggressors. At the 
present time, this imputed aggression, resting, as it 
does, only in the vague declamatory charges of 
political agitators, resolves itself into misappre- 
hension, or misinterpretation, of the principles and 
facts of the political organization of the new terri- 
tories of the United States. 

Inner Sense. — Is it possible to present this sub- 
ject as falsehood and my political ambition require, 
without belying the reiterated and well-founded 
allegation, that the Slave Power has persistently 
asserted claims and obtained advantages in the 
administration of the government, to the prejudice 
of the Non-Slaveholders North and South, and in 
which they have acquiesced? I fear not. For the 
allegation means that those States which have the 
least motive to encroach on the rights of others, to 
maintain their own rights, are compelled to strip 
off all disguise from that class whose unjust sys- 
tem, essentially aggressive on the rights of human- 
ity, impels them to use the Constitution itself to 
extend the same injustice. In the present mes- 
sage, this imputed aggression may be made to 
appear altogether chimerical, though it is based in 



268 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

anything but declamatory charges of political agi- 
tators, by devising a misinterpretation of the prin- 
ciples and facts of the political organization of the 
new territories of the United States. 

4. What is the voice of history? When the 
ordinance which provided for the government of 
the territory north-west of the river Ohio, and for 
its eventual subdivision into new States, was 
adopted in the Congress of the Confederation, it is 
not to be supposed that the question of future 
relative power, as between the States which re- 
tained, and those which did not retain a numerous 
colored population, escaped notice, or failed to be 
considered. And yet the concession of that vast 
territory to the interests and opinions of the north- 
ern States, a territory now the seat of five among 
the largest members of the Union, was, in a great 
measure, the act of the State of Virginia and of the 
South. 

Inner Sense. — But, if I were to speak the truth, 
what does the genuine voice of history say? 
When the ordinance which provided for the gov- 
ernment of the territory north-west of the Ohio, 
and its eventual subdivision into new States, was 
adopted in the Congress of the Confederation, it is 
not to be supposed that the influence of Slavery 
upon such States as tolerated that institution, and 
of Freedom upon such as did not, escaped notice, 
or failed to be considered. The consecration of 
that vast territory to the interests of Freedom, a 
territory now the seat of five among the largest 
members of the Union, was in great measure 
brought about by the exertions of statesn^en who 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 269 

loved Freedom for its own sake, and who indeed 
lived in Virginia, but before negroes became her 
great staple. 

5. When Louisiana was acquired by the United 
States, it was an acquisition not less to the North 
than to the South; for while it was important to 
the country at the mouth of the river Mississippi to 
become the emporium of the country above it, so 
also it was even more important to the whole 
Union to have that emporium; and although the 
new province, by reason of its imperfect settle- 
ment, was mainly regarded as on the Gulf of Mex- 
ico, yet, in fact, it extended to the opposite boun- 
daries of the United States, with far greater 
breadth above than below, and was in territory, as 
in everj'thing else, equally at least an accession to 
the northern States. It is mere delusion and prej- 
udice, therefore, to speak of Louisiana as an acqui- 
sition in the special interest of the South. 

Inner Sense. — When Louisiana was acquired by 
the United States, it was an acquisition to the 
advantage of Slavery rather than Freedom, Slav- 
ery being guarantied a. perpetuity by the treaty of 
purchase from France; for though it was a blessing 
to the whole country to have the region at the 
mouth of the Mississippi for an emporium, and 
though the then Louisiana was much broader in 
the north than in the south, extending in the north 
to the Rocky Mountains, we must remember that 
the guaranty of Slavery in one portion was virtu- 
ally an abrogation of Freedom in the whole. It is 
mere delusion and downright lying, then, to repre- 
sent the purchase of Louisiana as being as favor- 
able to Freedom as to Slaver}'. 



270 l.EAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

6. The patriotic and just men who participated 
in that act were influenced by motives far above 
all sectional jealousies. It was in truth the great 
event, which, by completing for us the possession 
of the valley of the Mississippi, with commercial 
access to the whole Confederation, attached to- 
gether by indissoluble ties, the east and the west, 
as well as the north and the south. 

Inner Sense. — The treaty stipulations guarantee- 
ing Slavery in the act of purchase, prove that the 
men who participated in it, however patriotic they 
may have been, at least kept one eye on the inter- 
ests of that institution. The purchase was, indeed, 
a great event, which, by completing for us the 
possession of the valley of the Mississippi, with 
commercial access to the whole Confederation, 
might, were it not for Slavery, be the means of 
binding together, in the strongest commercial ties, 
the east and the west, as well as the north and the 
south, and perhaps Canada. 

7. As to Florida, that was but the transfer by 
Spain to the United States of territory on the east 
side of the river Mississippi, in exchange for large 
territory, which the United States transferred to 
Spain, on the west side of that river, as the entire 
diplomatic history of the transaction serves to 
demonstrate. Moreover, it was an acquisition de- 
manded by the commercial interests and the 
security of the whole Union. 

Inner Sense. — As to Florida, that was an acqui- 
sition made by an exchange of territories with 
Spain, and brought about by a desire on the part 
of the Slave Power to shut up Florida against 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 271 

fugitive slaves, as the entire diplomatic history of 
the transaction, and the millions spent in recover- 
ing fugitives from the swamps of that country, 
demonstrate. It was an acquisition demanded by 
the interests of the Slave Power, and particularly 
for the secure possession of their human cattle. 

8. In the meantime the people of the United 
States had grown up to a proper consciousness of 
their strength, and in a brief contest with France, 
and in a second serious war with Great Britain, 
they had shaken off all which remained of undue 
reverence for Europe, and emerged from the atmos- 
phere of those transatlantic influences which sur- 
rounded the infant Republic, and had begun to 
turn their attention to the full and systematic 
development of the internal resources of the Union. 
Among the evanescent controversies of that period, 
the most conspicuous was the question of regula- 
tion by Congress of the social condition of the 
future States to be founded in the territory of 
Louisiana. 

Inner Sense. — But the people of the United 
States were growing up to a consciousness of their 
strength, and after suffering the Embargo Act, and 
wading through a war with Great Britain, evils 
inflicted on them by the Slave Power, to depress 
free labor, began to suspect the secret spring of 
those domestic influences w^hich were already 
operative to restrict the systematic development of 
the internal resources of the Union. Among the 
controversies of that period, was one which has 
proved to be anything but evanescent, a question, 
namely, whether Freedom was really excluded 



272 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHEACES. 

from the future States to be erected out of the ter- 
ritory of Louisiana, by the stipulations which the 
Slave Power had inserted in the treaty of purchase. 

C. The Ordinance for the government of the 
territory north-west of the river Ohio, had con- 
tained a provision, which prohibited the use of 
servile labor therein, subject to the condition of the 
extradition of fugitives from service due in any 
other part of the United States. Subsequently to 
the adoption of the Constitution, this provision 
ceased to remain as a law; for its operation as 
such was absolutely superseded by the Constitution. 
But the recollection of the fact excited the zeal of 
propagandism in some sections of the Confeder- 
ation ; and when a second State, that of Missouri, 
came to be formed in the territory of Louisiana, a 
proposition was made to extend to the latter terri- 
tory the restriction originally applied to the coun- 
try situated between the rivers Ohio and Missis- 
sippi. 

Inner Sense. — The Ordinance for the government 
of the territory north-west of the Ohio, contained 
a provision prohibiting Slavery therein, subject to 
the condition of the extradition of fugitives from 
labor due in any other part of the United States. 
After the adoption of the Constitution, even if this 
provision had ceased to remain a law, Freedom 
had become so thoroughly established in the terri- 
tory, that no one thought to question it by looking 
Into the Constitution for reasons for its overthrow. 
But a remembrance of that provision suggested to 
those States in which Freedom exists, the idea of 
extending a similar guaranty for liberty to the 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 273 

whole of the unoccupied territory of the Republic; 
so that when a second State, that of Missouri 
came to be formed in the territory of Louisiana, 
a proposition was made to extend to that territory 
the restriction of Slavery originally applied to the 
country situated between the rivers Ohio and 
Mississippi. 

10. Most questionable as was this proposition 
in all its constitutional relations, nevertheless it 
received the sanction of Congress, with some slight 
modifications of line, to save the existing rights of 
the intended hew State. It was reluctantly acqui- 
esced in by southern States as a sacrifice to the 
cause of peace and of the Union, not only of the 
rights stipulated by the treaty of Louisiana, but of 
the principle of equality among the States guaran- 
tied by the Constitution. It was received by the 
northern States with angry and resentful condem- 
nation and complaint, because it did not concede 
all which they had exactingly demanded. Having 
passed through the forms of legislation, it took its 
place in the statute book, standing open to repeal, 
like any other act of doubtful constitutionality, 
subject to be pronounced null and void by the 
courts of Law, and possessing no possible efficacy 
to control the rights of the States which might 
thereafter be organized out of any part of the orig- 
inal territory of Louisiana. In all this, if any 
aggressions there were, to which portion of the 
Union are they justly chargeable? This contro- 
versy passed away with the occasion, nothing sur- 
viving it save the dormant letter of the statute. 

Inner Sense.— Justifiable as was this proposition 
in all its constitutional relations, it received only 
the qualified sanction of Congress ; the Slavery 



274 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

which had got already snugly ensconced in the 
intended new State being left undisturbed within 
it, while Freedom was solemnly guarantied in all 
territory north of a certain line. This arrange- 
ment was reluctantly submitted to by the Slave 
Power, as depriving it of the advantages it sup- 
posed itself to have acquired by the Louisiana 
treaty, and as a sacrifice of the principle that one 
Slaveholder is equal under the Constitution to three 
Non-Slaveholders. It was received by the northern 
States with dissatisfaction, as a concession to 
Slavery, dangerous to Freedom everywhere in the 
Union. This compromise having become a law, 
stood open to repeal as truly as any other act of 
Congress in the least favoring liberty, and was 
subject to annulment by the Slave Power's Su- 
preme Court; though if Freedom were once estab- 
lished by it as an element of a State Constitution, 
its subsequent overthrow would be absolutely fore- 
stalled. In this arrangement, which principle 
made the better bargain, the Freedom which 
should exist everywhere within the Union, or the 
Slavery which should exist nowhere? The con- 
troversy which then arose seemed to have passed 
away at the time, but it has been really continued 
to the present day. 



11. But long afterward, when, by the proposed 
accession of the republic of Texas, the United 
States were to take their next step in territorial 
greatness, a similar contingency occurred, and be- 
came the occasion for systematized attempts to 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 275 

intervene in the domestic affairs of one section of 
the Union, in defiance of their ri;2:hts as States, 
and of the stipulations of the Constitution. These 
attempts assumed a practical direction, in the 
shape of persevering endeavors by some of the 
representatives in both houses of Congress, to de- 
prive the southern States of the supposed benefit 
of the provisions of the act authorizing the organi- 
zation of the State of Missouri. 

Inner Sense. — Afterward, for example, when, by 
the proposed admission of Texas, the area of Slav- 
ery was to be enlarged, the controversy was re- 
newed, and a strenuous effort was made to prevent 
the extension of the domestic institutions of the 
South, to the prejudice of the rights of the free 
States, by augmenting the inferiority of those 
States under the Constitution. Persevering efforts 
were made by representatives of the free States in 
Congress, to deprive the Slave Power of advan- 
tages which it had ingeniously pretended to find 
in the act which organized Slavery in Missouri, 
and which did not prohibit it south of the Compro- 
mise line 

12. But the good sense of the People, and the 
vital force of the Constitution, triumphed over sec- 
tional prejudice and the political errors of the day, 
and the State of Texas returned to the Union as 
she was, with social institutions which her people 
had chosen for themselves, and with express 
agreement, by the re-annexing act, that she 
should be susceptible of subdivision into a plurality 
of States. Whatever advantages the interests of 
the southern States, as such, gained by this, were 
far inferior in results, as they unfolded in the 



276 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

progress of time, to those which sprang from previ- 
ous concessions made by the South. 

Inner Sense. — But the apathy of the People, and 
the vigorous Ijdng of the party-leaders, finally tri 
umphed over Justice and Liberty, and the State ot 
Texas stole into the Union as she was, with insti 
tutions making the greater part of her people 
slaves, and with the express agreement by the act 
w^hich appended her, that she should be susceptible 
of subdivision into a large number of similar slave 
States. If the Slave Power gained any advan- 
tages by this manoeuvre, they were more than de 
served, by the omission on the part of the South to 
prohibit Liberty in the territory north-west of the 
Ohio. 

13. To every thoughtful friend of the Union — 
to the true lovers of their country — to all who 
longed and labored for the full success of this great 
experiment of republican institutions, it was cause 
of gratulation that such an opportunity had oc- 
curred to illustrate our advancing power on this 
continent, and to furnish to the world additional 
assurance of the strength and stability of the Con- 
stitution. Who would wish to see Florida still a 
European colony? Who would rejoice to hail 
Texas as a lone star, instead of one in the galaxy 
of States ? Who does not appreciate the incal- 
culable benefits of the acquisition of Louisiana? 
And 5^et narrow views and sectional purposes 
would inevitably have excluded them all from the 
Union. 

Inner Sense. — To every crafty enemy of the 
L^nion — to the haters of their country — to all who 



LEAVEN EOR DOUGHFACES. 277 

long and labor for the failure of this great experi- 
ment of republican institutions, it was cause ot 
gratulation that such an opportunity had occurred 
to illustrate the advance of the Slave Power on 
this continent, and to furnish to the world a pledge 
of the weakness and instability of the Union. 
Who would wish to see Florida still a refuge for 
fugitive slaves ? Who could rejoice to see Texas 
hugging her Slavery all alone, instead of making 
one in the dark girdle of our slave States ? Who 
does not appreciate the incalculable benefits of the 
acquisition of Louisiana, with her Slavery intact ? 
And yet if the destinies of the Union had not been 
managed mainly by Slaveholders, these territories 
would inevitably have been all added to it as free 
States. 

14. But another struggle on the same point 
ensued, when our victorious armies returned from 
Mexico, and it devolved on Congress to provide for 
the territories acquired by the trealy of Guadalupe 
Hidalgo. The great relations of the subject had 
now become distinct and clear to the perception of 
the public mind, which appreciated the evils of 
sectional controversy upon the question of new 
States. In that crisis intense solicitude pervaded 
the nation. But the patriotic impulses of the pop- 
ular heart, guided by the admonitory advice of the 
Father of his Country, rose superior to ail the diffi- 
culties of the incorporation of a new empire into 
the Union. In the counsels of Congress there was 
manifested extreme antagonism of opinion and 
action between some representatives, who sought 
by the abusive and unconstitutional employment 
of the legislative powers of the government, to in- 



278 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

terfere in the condition of the inchoate States, and 
to impose their own social theories upon the latter, 
and other representatives, who repelled the inter- 
position of the general government in this respect, 
and maintained the self-constituting rights of the 
States. In truth, the thing attempted was, in form 
alone, action of the general government, while in 
reality it w^as the endeavor, by abuse of legislative 
power, to force the ideas of internal policy enter- 
tained in particular States, upon allied indepen- 
dent States. Once more the Constitution and the 
Union triumphed signally. The new territories 
were organized without restrictions on the disputed 
point, and were thus left to judge in that particular 
for themselves ; and the sense of constitutional 
faith proved vigorous enough in Congress not only 
to accomplish this primary object, but also the in- 
cidental and hardly less important one of so 
amending the provisions of the statute for the 
extradition of fugitives from service, as to place 
that public duty under the safeguard of the general 
government, and thus relieve it from obstacles- 
raised up by the legislation of some of the States. 

Inner Sense. — Another struggle on the same 
point ensued, when our victorious fillibusters re- 
turned from Mexico, and it devolved on Congress 
to extend Slavery into the territories acquired by 
the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The great re- 
lations of the subject were now more clearly seen 
by the People than ever, for they began to under- 
stand the evils likely to ensue from an unlimited 
extension of the area of Slavery, and intense so- 
licitude agitated both the People and the Slave 
Power. But the zealous endeavors of all the 
trimmers and doughfaces who led the People, who 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 279 

had the impudence to scorn the example of the 
Father of his Country, rose superior to the demo- 
cratic principle of a strict construction of the Con- 
stitution, and incorporated a new empire into the 
Union. In Congress there was manifested an ex- 
treme antagonism of opinion, between those repre- 
sentatives who sought, by a constitutional employ- 
ment of the government, to secure Liberty in the 
inchoate States, and other representatives who 
repelled the interposition of the general govern- 
ment for any other purpose than the establishment 
of Slavery. In truth, the real thing attempted was 
to make Liberty national in something more than 
appearance, by so moulding the Constitution of the 
inchoate States, that the domestic policy of the 
Slave Power might not be forced upon their free, 
non-slaveholding citizens against their consent. 
Once more, however, the Slave Power signally 
triumphed under the cry of Union and the Consti- 
tution. The new territories were organized 
without restrictions on Slavery, which was thus 
permitted to enter them at the first convenient 
opportunity; and the fealty to the Slave Power 
proved vigorous enough in Congress not only to 
accomplish this primary object, but also the hardly 
less important one of so amending the fugitive 
slave act, as to destroy the virtue of the Writ of 
Habeas Corpus and the usage of Trial by Jury, 
and also virtually to annul the very principle of 
State Rights in the northern free States. 

15. Vain declamation regarding the provisions 
of the law for the extradition of fugitives from ser- 



280 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

vice, with occasional episodes of frantic eftbrt to 
obstruct their execution by riot and murder, con- 
tinued for a brief term to agitate certain localities. 
But the true principle, of leaving each State and 
Territory to regulate its own laws of labor accord- 
ing to its own sense of right and expediency, had 
acquired fast hold of the public judgment, to such 
a degree that, by common consent, it was observed 
in the organization of the Territory of Washington. 

Inner Sense. — Just remonstrances . against the 
provisions of the Fugitive Slave Law, and contin- 
ual outbursts of riot and bloodshed, resulting from 
its enforcement, still agitate the People. But the 
principle of extending Slavery to every new State 
and Territory, seems to have been fastened upon 
them almost without their knowledge, by the com- 
bined action of their party-leaders, as was seen in 
the organization of the Territory of Washington. 

16. When more recently, it became requisite to 
organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, 
it was the natural and legitimate, if not .the inevit- 
able consequence of previous events and legisla- 
tion, that the same great and sound principle, 
which had already been applied to Utah and New 
Mexico, should be applied to them — that they 
should stand exempt from the restrictions proposed 
in the act relative to the State of Missouri. Those 
restrictions were, in the estimation of many 
thoughtful men, null from the beginning, unauthor- 
ized by the Constitution, contrary to the treaty 
stipulations for the cession of Louisiana, and incon- 
sistent with the equality of these States. 

Inner Sense. — When more recently, it became 
requisite to organize the Territories of Nebraska 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 28l 

and Kansas, it was natural to expect, after what 
had ah'eady been done toward destroying Liberty, 
that the same great principle of letting Slavery go 
wherever it liked, which had already been applied 
to Utah and New Mexico, should be applied to 
them; that Slavery in the case of these territories 
should be unembarrassed by any restrictions such 
as were proposed by the Compromise Act> Those 
restrictions were, in the estimation of all Slavehol- 
ders, null from the beginning, unauthorized by the 
Constitution as an organ for strict construction 
against Liberty, contrary to the treaty of cession 
of Louisiana, and incompatible with the eternal 
superiority of the Slave Power to the People. 

17. They had been stripped of all moral au- 
thority, by persistent efforts to procure their indi- 
rect repeal through contradictory enactments. 
They had been practically abrogated by the legis- 
lation attending the organization of Utah, New 
Mexico, and Washington. If any vitality re- 
mained in them, it would have been taken away, 
in effect, by, the new territorial acts, in the form 
originally proposed to the Senate at the first session 
of the last Congress. It was manly and ingenuous, 
as well as patriotic and just, to do this directly and 
plainly, and thus relieve the statute book of an act 
which might be of possible future injury, but of 
no possible future benefit ; and the measure of its 
repeal was the final consummation and complete 
recognition of the principle, that no portion of the 
United States shall undertake, through assump- 
tion of the powers of the general government, to 
dictate the social institutions of any other portion. 
24 



282 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Inner Sense.' — These restrictions were possessed 
of great moral authority, as is proved by the per- 
sistent efforts of the Slave Power to remove them, 
although they had been practically abrogated in 
Utah and New Mexico by the legislation attending 
the organization of those Territories. The vitality 
remaining in them was, however, to be effectually 
destroyed by a measure which is the distinguishing 
act of my administration. But by no manly and 
ingenuous course could this measure be carried 
through. With great pretensions to patriotism 
and justice, it w-as necessary to proceed secretly 
and hypocritically to relieve the statute book of an 
act which must needs be in future of great injury 
but of no possible benefit, to the Slave Power; and 
so the repeal of the Compromise was to be the final 
consummation and complete recognition of the 
principle, that no act of Congress which favored 
Freedom more than Slavery, or which tended to 
place any restrictions upon the will of the Slave 
Power, possessed any validity. 

18. The scope and effect of the language of 
repeal w^ere not left in doubt. It was declared, in 
terms, to be '' the tiue intent and meaning of this 
act not to legislate Slavery into any Territory or 
State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the 
People thereof perfectly free to form and regulate 
theU" domestic institutions in their own way, sub- 
ject only to the Constitution of the United States." 

Inner Sense. — The very language of the repeal 
was a studied deception, to be understood by those 
who were in the secret in a sense the direct oppo- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 283 

site of that which the words seemed to convey. 
For while it was declared in terms, that '' the true 
intent and meaning of this act is not to legislate 
Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude 
it therefrom, but to leave the People thereof per- 
fectly free to form and regulate their domestic insti- 
tutions in their own way, subject only to the Con- 
stitution" — the meaning of the act was in reality to 
legislate Slavery into every new State, and leave 
the People nowhere the privilege of excluding it. 



19. The measure could not be withstood upon 
its merits alone. It was attacked with violence on 
the false or delusive pretext, that it constituted a 
breach of faith, l^exer was objection more utterly 
destitute of substantial j astification. When, before, 
was it imagined by sensible men, that a regulative 
or declarative statute, whether enacted ten or forty 
years ago, is irrepealable ; that an act of Congress 
is above the Constitution ? If, indeed, there were 
in the facts any cause to impute bad faith, it vrould 
attach to those only who have never ceased, from 
the time of the enactment of the restrictive provi- 
sion to the present day, to denounce and condemn; 
who have constantly refused to complete it by 
needful supplementary legislation ; who have 
spared no exertion to deprive it of moral force ; 
who have themselves again and again attempted 
its repeal by the enactment of incompatible provi- 
sions; and who, by the inevitable reactionary 
effect of their own violence on the subject, awak- 
ened the country to a perception of the true con- 
stitutional principle of leaving the matter involved 
to the discretion of the people of the respective 
existing or incipient States. 



284 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Inner Sense. — The measure was open to attack 
simply on the ground of its being a triumph of the 
Slave Power over the People ; but it was also very 
justly assailed on the ground of its being a breach 
of faith, and its essential rascality could not, per- 
haps, be better exposed from any other point ot 
view. When, before, was it imagined by sensible 
people, that a statute in the nature of a compact 
between contending parties, which had remained 
unbroken for a generation, could be annulled by 
the act of one of the parties alone? If, indeed, 
there were any cause to impute bad faith, would it 
not attach to that party which having received the 
consideration which it demanded for entering into 
the compact, refused to complete the bargain by 
executing the consideration in favor of the other 
party ; which has spared no exertion to get rid of 
the duty ; which has attempted for thirty years to 
mj^stify the aggrieved party by persuading it that 
there had been no compact entered into; and 
which by its conduct had half-persuaded that ag- 
grieved party never to trust to any future promises 
or pledges of the aggressor, Vvhere there is the 
least chance for that aggressor to derive any ad- 
vantage by violating its engagements? 

20. It is not pretended that this principle, or 
any other, precludes the possibility of evils in prac- 
tice, disturbed, as political action is liable to be, by 
human passions. No form of government is ex- 
empt from inconveniences; but in this case they 
are the result of the abuse, and not of the legiti- 
mate exercise, of the powers reserved or conferred 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 285 

in the organisation of a Territory. They are not 
to be charged to the great principle of Popular 
Sovereignty : on the contrary, they disappear be- 
fore the intelligence and patriotism of the People, 
exerting through the ballot-box their peaceful and 
silent, but irresistible power. 

Inner Sense. — It is not pretended that this prin- 
ciple of letting Slavery go wherever it likes, will 
altogether preclude the establishment of Freedom 
occasionally. No system of policy is exempt from 
inconveniences ; but in this case, if Freedom does 
get a footing in any futm^e State, it will result from 
the abuse, and not from the legitimate exercise, ot 
the power of establishing Slavery in any Territory. 
The freedom will not come in consequence of an 
application of our newly-discovered principle ot 
Popular Sovereignty : on the contrary, it will dis- 
appear before the cunning and foresight of Slave- 
holders, who will, through the ballot-box itself, 
silently but irresistibly destroy the power of the 
People to govern themselves. 

21. If the friends of the Constitution are to 
have another struggle, its enemies could not pre- 
sent a more acceptable issue than that of a State, 
whose constitution clearly embraces " a republican 
form of government," being excluded from the 
Union because its domestic institutions may not 
in all respects comport with the ideas of what is 
wise and expedient entertained in some other 
State. Fresh from groundless imputations of 
breach of faith against others, men will commence 
the agitation of this new question with indubitable 
violation of an express compact between the inde- 
pendent sovereign powers of the United States and 



286 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

of the republic of Texas, as well as of the older 
and equally solemn compacts, which assure the 
equality of all the States. 

Inner Sense. — If the friends of the Slave Power 
are to have another struggle, they could not desire 
a more acceptable issue than one which, appar- 
ently presenting the question whether the People 
shall determine their own institutions, should 
covertly establish the principle, that whenever a 
new State is to be admitted to the Union, Slavehol- 
ders shall determine who the people are to be. Fresh 
from defeat by a breach of faith in the matter ot 
the great Compromise, the People would advance 
to the decision of this question, only to be stunned 
into compliance with the demands of the Slave 
Power, by an incessant clatter about popular sov- 
ereignty and the sacredness of compacts, that be- 
tween the United States and Texas, and that of 
the Constitution, being recommended to their espe- 
cial regard. 

22. But, deplorable as would be such a viola- 
tion of compact in itself, and in all its direct con- 
sequences, that is the ver}^ least of the evils in- 
volved. When sectional agitators shall have 
succeeded in forcing on this issue, can their pre- 
tentions fail to be met by counter pretentions ? 
Will not different States be compelled, respectively, 
to meet extremes with extremes? And if either 
extreme carry its point, what is that so far forth 
but dissoUition of the Union ? If a new State, 
formed from ihe territory of the United States, 
be absolutely excluded from admission therein, 
that fact of itself constitutes the disruption of union 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 287 

between it and the other States. But the process 
of dissolution could not stop there. Would not a 
sectional decision, producing such result by a 
majority of votes, either northern or southern, of 
necessity drive out the oppressed and aggrieved 
minority, and place in presence of each other two 
irreconcilably hostile confederations ? 

Inner Sense. — Deplorable as would be such a 
violation of the compact between Texas and the 
Union, as we saw manifested in the repeal of the 
Compromise, there might be worse evils. If the 
lovers of Freedom shall succeed in bringing up 
the People to the real issue, which is whether 
Freedom or Slavery shall rule in this nation, must 
not the pretentions of the Slave Power appear 
abundantly queer and strange? Will not this 
Power be compelled to assume attitudes of bluster 
and swagger terrible enough to those who are igno- 
rant of what it all means? Will it not be driven 
to extremes when the cry of dissolution of the 
Union no longer alarms the People ? If all States 
that are hereafter to enter the Union, must come 
in with a clause in their several constitutions pro- 
hibiting Slaver}^, would not that be a tremendous 
dissolution? But would dissolution, commencing 
in the establishment of such a rule, end with it? 
For rather w^ould not the Slave Power, hedged up 
within the territory it now rules, begin to dissolve 
in its own vitals ; and brought into the open pres- 
ence of that Freedom which it can neither over- 
come nor confront, would it not finally evaporate 
from the Union itself? 



288 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

23. It is necessar}^ to speak thus plainly of 
projects, the offspring of that sectional agitation 
now prevailing in some of the States, which are 
as impracticable as they are unconstitutional, and 
which, if persisted in, must and wdll end calami- 
tously. It is either disunion and civil war, or it is 
mere angry, idle, aimless disturbance of public 
peace and tranquility. Disunion for what? If 
the passionate rage of fanaticism and partizan 
spirit did not force the fact upon our attention, it 
would be difficult to believe that any considerable 
portion of the People of this enlightened country 
could have so surrendered themselves to a fanati- 
cal devotion to the supposed interests of the rela- 
tively few Africans in the United States, as totally 
to abandon and disregard the interests of the 
twenty-five millions of Americans ; to trample 
under foot the injunctions of moral and constitu- 
tional obligation, and to engage in plans of vindic- 
tive hostility against those who are associated with 
them in the enjoyment of the common heritage of 
our national intitutions. Nor is it hostility alone 
against their fellow-citizens of one section of the 
Union alone. The interests, the honor, the duty, 
the peace, and the prosperity of the People of all 
sections, are imperilled in this question. 

Inner Sense. — I dislike to speak thus plainly of 
the real political issue in this country, which has 
been brought forward by that love of Liberty prev- 
alent in some of the States. For the question is, 
whether Freedom or Slavery shall be national. 
But, really, why should Slavery be national? If 
the passionate love of office and servility to party 
were not so strong among us, it would be difficult 
to believe that any considerable portion of the 
People could have so surrendered themselves to a 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES, 289 

fanatical devotion to the interests of the few Slave- 
holders in the Union, as totally to abandon and 
disregard the interests of the twenty millions of 
Non-Slaveholders and four millions of Slaves; to 
trample under foot the self-evident rights of man, 
and engage in hostility against principles by which 
even the little liberty they now enjoy is secured to 
themselves. But it is not merely their own liberty 
against which they war; the honor, peace, and 
prosperity of the whole people are imperilled by 
this subserviency to the Slave Power. 

24. And are patriotic men in any part of the 
Union prepared, on such issue, thus madly to in- 
vite all the consequences of the forfeiture of their 
constitutional engagements ? It is impossible. The 
storm of phrensy and faction must inevitably dash 
itself in vain against the unshaken rock of the 
Constitution. I shall never doubt it. I knovv^ that 
the Union is stronger, a thousand times, than all 
the wild and chimerical schemes of social change, 
which are generated, one after another, in the un- 
stable minds of visionary sophists and interested 
agitators. I rely confidently on the patriotism of 
the People, on the dignity and self-respect of the 
States, on the wisdom of Congress, and, above all, 
on the continued gracious favor of Almighty God, 
to maintain, against all enemies, whether at home 
or abroad, the sanctity of the Constitution and the 
integrity of the Union. 

Inner Sense, — But are the flunkeys of the Slave 

Power in any part of the Union, by fostering the 

issue between Slavery and Freedom, and favoring 

the cause of the People, to forfeit all their chances 
25 



290 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

of office and emolument? It is impossible. The 
forces of Freedom may dash and charge in vain 
against the unshaken rock of Slavery. That is my 
opinion. J. know that Slavery is a thousand times 
stronger than all manner of plans and efforts to 
establish Liberty and Justice, and that all such 
plans spring from the unstable minds of visionary 
sophists and miconfirmed democrats. But I more- 
over rely confidently on the apathy of the People, 
on the audacity and insolence of Slaveholders, on 
the servility of Congress, and, above all, on the 
continued gracious favor of the Father of Lies and 
Liars, to maintain, against all enemies, whether at 
home or abroad, the sanctity of Slavery and the 
perpetual supremacy of the Slave Power. 

When the citizen had read the Message and its 
interpretation, he expressed himself very much 
pleased with it, but said he should like to under- 
stand a little more clearly, why the interpretation 
was not published with the Message. 

I will state the reasons again, then, said the 
Magistrate. 

The great aim of the modern American Democ 
racy is to subdue the People — or in other words, to 
subject them to the control of the Slave Power. In 
order to do this, we are obliged to delude them 
into the notion that the words, "the South," mean 
tlieir fellows in that section — the southern People. 
But we in reality mean by the words — the Slavehol- 
ders there. Now do you not see, that whenever 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 291 

we &peak of the South, the People will understand 
their fellows by that term, while we understand 
their masters? Well, that is our grand democratic 
trick. We talk of the South — its constitutional 
rights, its title to settle in the territories with im- 
punity, its rights of transit with property through 
the free States, and similar claims; and while we 
strictly mean Slaveholders by that term, the Peo- 
ple understand the whole population of the south- 
ern States, where there are five Non-Slaveholders 
to one Avho owns property in man. Would it not 
be absurd in us, wdien our object is to entrap the 
People into laws subversive of their own liberties, 
to throw off the disguise, and use the terms Slave- 
holders and Slave Power, when we can so well 
mystify them by using the word South ? Certainly 
it would. So in all our public documents, partic- 
ularly messages, the term South is a mystic ex- 
pression, intelligible only to the proprietors of the 
Democracy. When you read a democratic mes- 
sage, then, insert Slaveholder or Slave Power wher- 
ever that word occurs, making the appropriate 
changes in the context, and you will get at the 
genuine sense of the document. We, of course, 
keep this key to the meaning of messages a secret, 
for the very simple reason, that if the People 
should get an inkling of what we are at, they 
would shuffle and mix up both the Democracy and 
the Slave Power, in a manner terrible to contem- 
plate. I think my explanation is satisfactory. 

Nothing could be more so, said the citizen. Say- 
ing this, he bowed to his Excellency, and politely 
took his leave. 



LXIV. 

THE UNSHACKLED FREEMAN. 

Desert your Party when your Party deserts its Principles. 

In a Republic in which the strife for office was 
very great, Slaveholders took advantage of the 
party spirit of the People, to augment their power 
and make themselves supreme. For whenever they 
wished a law enacted unfavorable to liberty, they 
proposed it first to one party, and demanded its 
enactment. And if the leaders of the party to 
which it was offered refused to accept it, and to 
attempt to enact it, they either went over to the op- 
posite party, or threatened to do so. They knew 
the secret by which republics are ruled. Thus in 
the lapse of time they had used all the great par- 
ties of the nation to advance themselves to the 
absolute control of the Republic, and had fastened 
upon the People many a law which they loathed, 
robbing them of their territory, and of legislative 
power, and what was worst of all, using them as 
hounds to catch their fugitive slaves. 

A^ow one of the People had served long and 
faithfully in a party which claimed for itself all the 
democracy of the nation, and year after year, he 

had seen his party becoming more and more the 

(292) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 293 

tool of the Slave Power, and steadily abandoning 
every principle which guarantied the liberties of 
the People. Being truly a Democrat, loving liberty, 
and thinking no democracy deserving of the name 
which did not aim to equalize the property and 
privileges of all the members of society, he became 
disgusted with his party and its leaders, and pub- 
licly deserted it, resolving to co-operate with no 
party thereafter which should not be truly demo- 
cratic, and throw off the yoke of the Slave Power. 

But when this freeman's resolution was taken, 
and had been noised abroad, immediately there 
arose against him a storm of indignation from 
those who had been his companions in the support 
of a spurious democracy, and they attempted to 
frighten him back into fellowship with themselves 
by calling him a traitor. The name of traitor, 
however, was no terror to him, and once when a 
number of self-styled democrats had applied it to 
him, he answered : 

I would better be a traitor to you, than a traitor 
to Truth and Justice. A party is but a combination 
of men, for certain ends, and all human combi- 
nations must in time dissolve. The only question 
is whether it shall fulfil its functions, and die a 
a natural death, or abandon them and be prema- 
turely dissolved. When a party abandons the 
Right, the pursuit of the Wrong should put an end 
to it. And he who follows the party which follows 
the Wrong, if he do it knowingly, is already a 
traitor to Truth and Justice. Say ye, which were 
better for me and my country, to continue a traitor 



294 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

to the Right and follow you, or be a traitor to you 
and follow the Right? Your own hearts give the 
answer; only you have not the courage to be free; 
but the fear of bearing the name which you give 
me, makes you the real traitors to something purer 
and better than party fealty. You uphold Slavery, 
by your votes, and I see already the chain which 
you would fasten upon others, bound fast to your 
own ancles. And such is the penalty of all who 
are traitors to Liberty. 

But if you would know plainly the reason why I 
no longer act with you, it is this : Parties ever de- 
generate into servile tools for their leaders, who 
ride into office on the quarrels of the People among 
themselves. And these leaders will abandon any 
principle of justice, if their price is paid, or, through 
fear of losing place. Thus the Slave Power gov- 
erns all our parties by threatening desertion to each 
separately. May not parties be governed for Free- 
dom by the same process ? Will not actual deser- 
tion from parties whenever they abandon the Right 
keep them on the side of the Right. Certainly. 
Therefore I always desert my party when my party 
deserts Justice. I voluntarily become a traitor to 
party f that 1 may be loyal to my country and Free- 
dom. And thus only can republics be kept free, 
when the People shall hold their parties of less 
account than Liberty. He only can be a freeman 
who for Liberty's sake dares to be a traitor to hia 
party. 



LXV. 

THE CHOSEN MONUMENTS. 

The Monuments to our Presidents, should commemorate the 
deeds for which they are most distinguished. 

Two geniiemen who had once been Presidents 
of the American Union, meeting together, began to 
converse on the kind of monuments which they 
should desire to have erected to their memory after 
their decease. And one said : I do not know that 
I shall have any erected to me. I have used my 
best endeavors to become famous among the Peo- 
ple, but even while I still live I am almost for- 
gotten. I must trust the preservation of my fame 
to the Slaveholders, and I hope that after my 
demise, they will deposit my body in the Con- 
gressional burial ground, and erect over it a mon- 
ument in the form of an altar, all of white marble, 
and put upon it the image of a Fugitive Slave, 
such as we see in our southern papers, represent- 
ing a man in the act of running away, bare- 
headed, with one foot lifted, and a satchel over 
his back. And under it I wish this inscription to 
be put : 

(295) 



296 leayen for doughfaces. 

Here lies the body of Semicoctus, 
Once President of the United States, 
A man of eminent abilities, of a most acute sense 
of justice, and the purest and most unselfish 
hum.anity, who labored in the discharge of his 
official duties to extend the power and glory of 
his country, and establish her free institutions. 
His public beneficence shone most conspicu- 
ously, in his signature of a law for the recapture 
of Fugitive Slaves. When all the bonds that 
united the several states of the confederacy had 
been loosed by the restlessness of the People 
under the domination of the Slave Power, he 
bound them together again by that new and 
strong cord. Though forgotten by the People, 
he will live in the eternal remembrance of the 
American Nobility. 

In Purgatoino submersus, Jirmiter hcBreat. 
dbiit, A. D. MDCCCL . 

It seems to me with such a monument over my 
bones I should lie tolerably quiet, till the sounding 
of the last trump at least. The last line means : 
Safely landed in heaven, may he remain there. 

That would be a very fair monument, said the 
other, but not equal to the one I anticipate for my- 
self. I desire and hope to have mine also of white 
marble, and that it shall be built in the form of a 
pyram.id. And on its summit I wish the statue of 
an infant boy to be placed. But this I wish should 
be wrought of black marble, the head covered with 
little crisped tufts, to show growing hair, with tiny 
manacles joining the hands to each other, and like- 
wise the feet. Then I wish the little figure kneel- 
ing, to look up toward heaven, as if there were a 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 297 

God that cared for its welfare, and under the boy I 
wish the picture of a colored woman gazing up to 
him and weeping, with her hands clasped. And 
beneath the statue of the boy 8.nd its mother, I 
desire this epitaph to be written : 

Sacred to the memory of Aspernatus Magitus, 
Once President of the United States of North America^ 
A man of most brilliant intellect, and eminent 
piety, elected by the People to the highest office 
in the known world, he made use of it to extend 
the area of freedom and sound democracy. To 
this end he stripped the People of all their terri- 
tory by cunning legislation, and sought to crowd 
all the unoccupied lands of the Republic from 
ocean to ocean with slaves, that the music of 
negro mothers wailing for babes sold from their 
arms, might never cease, and that the traffic in 
human beings might adorn the Union so long as 
it should endure. Brought into notoriety by the 
Slave Power, he never forgot the source of his 
honors, lived its creature, and died lamented 
only by it. Slaveholders have erected this mau- 
soleum to his memory, symbolic of the field in 
which he earned his distinction, in token of their 
high regard for his services. 
In ilia circulo Pur^atorii^ GehenncB proxi?no, se tor- 
queat et contorqueat ipsum rnille annas. 
Obiit, A. D. MDCCCL . 

The conclusion of my epitaph also is Latin, 
and means : In that circle of the celestial regions 
7iearest the archangels^ may he rest in placid bliss a 
thousand years. I procured it to be written by an 
apt scholar, who says the English of it, is just as 
I have repeated it. 



298 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

I have left the precise year of my departure 
blank as you did, because it is uncertain in what 
year the Lord will take us to himself. 

That, said the other, is the very reason why I 
have not specified the year of my own departure. 
Certainly, neither of us knows when he shall enter 
Paradise . 



LXVI. 

THE DOUBLE TETE-A-TETE. 

The Northern Doughface and Southern Slaveholder are 
equally fearful of Disunion. 

Two northern Merchants, sitting in a private 
apartment of a hotel in Philadelphia, were convers- 
ing on the political condition of the country, and 
one said to the other: The affairs of the nation 
cannot well be in a worse state than they are. 
This fanatical crusade against Slavery, which has 
been carried on now this thirty years, threatens to 
subvert all our free institutions. To assail Slavery 
is sectionalism of the most virulent kind. It arrays 
the North against the South, and makes geograph- 
ical lines the limits of parties. It is easy to see 
that when our parties become merely northern and 
southern factions, the Union cannot endure. It 
must be rent asunder; no human power can hold 
it together. I never permit myself to clamor for 
the maintenance and support of northern rights as 
opposed to southern. To attempt to limit Slavery, 
or regulate its existence, would at first view seem 
to be a lawful effort for the North. So it would 
seem that free labor should be protected against 
the competition of slave labor. But when we con- 
(299) 



300 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

sider that Slavery is guarantied by the Constitution, 
and that the right to maintain that institution un- 
impaired is all that the South asks of that instru- 
ment, who does not see that ttie attempt to protect 
free labor throughout the Union, and to weaken 
the regard for the sanctity of property in man, is a 
flagrant assault on the rights of the South? Slavery 
is a national, wliilc it is a southern institution. On 
the other hand, personal liberty is not yet national; 
and the endeavor to make it so, would only succeed 
by violating the most precious right of the South — 
that of holding property in man. It is this right 
which makes a South. If there were no Slavery, 
there would be no South ; and it is just as true, 
that, if there were no Slavery, there would be no 
Union. 

Then said the other : If this war on Slavery, this 
crusade against the only valuable civil right of the 
South, should at last drive our brethren to secede 
from the Union, what would become of us? The 
courage and power of the South are very much 
under-rated in the North. Ten millions of people 
are not to be irritated with impunity. Instead of 
assailing Slavery which is so dear to them, we 
should do all we can to maintain, and extend it. 
There are at least two good and sufficient reasons 
for such conduct on our part. In the first place, 
the export of cotton and sugar brings to the North 
many millions of dollars ; and if we keep alive this 
hostility to Slavery we are in danger of the loss of 
our southern trade. How absurd to consider the 
liberty of a few millions of blacks as an equivalent 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 301 

for the loss of so much money ! Surely liberty is not 
so valuable as cotton. But if we drive the South 
into secession we must count upon a blood}^ ven- 
geance on its part. If the southern People secede 
to protect Slavery, they will invade the North with 
arms to chastise us for our abolition sentiments, 
and in one campaign they would lay waste every 
free state from Maine to Missouri. For they could 
not only arm against us several hundred thousand 
whites, but two out of their four millions of slaves. 
They would literally overrun and subdue us, and 
blot out even the very names of the free states. 
We would better by far, let them and their institu- 
tions alone, than invite upon ourselves calamities 
BO awful. For my part I hold my obligations to 
the South to be so sacred, that I hardly ever speak 
the word liberty above my breath for fear of giving 
offense. And this is the proper temper of the 
North, and which should thoroughly pervade it, if 
we wish to perpetuate the Union. We ought to 
have some regard to the feelings of our partners. 
They have heard enough about liberty from us 
during the last thirty years to make the Union a 
stench in their nostrils. 

That is my opinion also, replied the first speaker. 
I likewise avoid making too loud an uproar about 
liberty. Indeed I am not so much afraid of excess- 
ive Slaver}', as of an excess of Freedom. I think 
the slavery element is too weak in the North, and 
that there is too great an equality among its 
people. There should be a greater infusion of 
southern principles in northern society. In no 



302 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Other way can the Union be preserved. And as to 
the preservation of the Union, I am aUve to the 
necessity of it, and no one foresees more clearly 
than I the bloodshed and loss of trade that must 
befall the North, if it shall be dissolved. On the 
one hand, I perceive a heavy decline in the price 
of cotton and sugar, and on the other, fire and 
sword, carnage and desolation, and perhaps a 
universal Amalgamation following in the train of 
disunion. 

While the merchants thus conversed together 
in one apartment, in an adjoining room two Slave- 
holders were meditating the perils of the South. 
And one said to the other : 1 fear this long-contin- 
ued agitation of the Slavery question. Since the 
adoption of the Constitution we have managed to 
control the Non-Slaveholders North and South with 
the greatest ease. The provision in that instru- 
ment which allows us three representatives in 
Congress for every five slaves, has worked thus far 
like a charm. We have succeeded by it in dictat- 
ing the policy of the government in a manner 
which would surprise those southern patriots who 
secured it for us, were they alive. For by means 
of it we have succeeded in bringing Slaveholders 
to act always as a unit against northern interests; 
and we have so divided the North against itself by 
bitter partisan anim_osities, that we make her sue- 
cumb to any policy we may choose. So the 
national army and navy are ofiicered in our inter- 
est, the national judiciary is under our control, we 
declare war and make peace as we will, we bend 



LEAYEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 303 

the foreign polic}' of the nation to our wishes, and 
we hold the keys of the Treasury. This is a great 
power to wield, and it is as yet ours, and the Peo- 
ple know it not. But this Slavery agitation is 
opening the eyes of the People to the secret of our 
strength; and the more their eyes become opened, 
the more do the domestic questions which divide 
the North sink into insignificance, and the more do 
the People seek to wrest from us our power. The 
name of Democracy, which we have succeeded in 
making many of them believe is identical with 
the right of enslaving blacks, and the love of our 
trade, which binds to us the northern merchant, 
are the sole defense we have against the progress 
of anti-slavery sentiment. But God only knows 
how long these bulwarks will hold. If the A^orth 
and our own non-slaveholding whites should ever 
make one party against us, alas for our authority, 
our reign would be at an end ! 

Then said the other: The progress of the anti- 
slavery sentiment is dangerous to us in three ways. 
First, the idea of the rights of man is insensibly 
pervading our slave-population itself, and low 
murmurs as of the on-coming of a distant, but 
swift moving tornado, alread}^ come up from our 
enthralled millions. And the lapse of every year 
augments their numbers and their intelligence, and 
what is worse, their sense of the wrongs they suffer. 

Then we stand in danger from the progress of 
ihe anti-slavery sentiment among our Non-Slave- 
holders. For they are beginning to see that the 
power we wield is prejudicial to themselves as well 



30-4 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHrACES. 

as the slave ; and a little encouragement from 
the North, would combine them against us at our 
very doors. That would be a very unequal con- 
test, which should set our little band of Slavehold- 
ers, three hundred and fifty thousand all told, in 
hostile array against four millions of slaves, and 
the millions of our own Non-Slaveholders ! 

But a third danger arises from our relation to 
the non-slaveholding freemen of the North — the 
real People. The policy we are obliged to pursue 
toward them, I much fear, must arouse in them a 
deep-seated hostility against Slaveholders as such. 
Our policy of adding new slave states to the Union 
to increase our power in the Senate, they are 
already beginning to understand. The principle 
which the Democracy has just established, that no 
man can be allowed to settle peaceably in the territo- 
ries unless he is the owner of a negro, will itself react 
against us. But when our Democracy come to 
legitimate Slavery itself in the North, and to sup- 
press by act of Congress or of the states^ all discussion 
of questions touching human freedom, I fear the 
reaction will proceed so far that the North will itself 
dissolve the Union. If things should ever proceed 
to that extremity, we should be compelled to arm 
the northern Democrac}'" with the powers of the 
general government, and set them to hanging, 
slaying, and imprisoning their anti-slavery fellow- 
citizens, in order to keep the Union together. 
That would be the only course left for our own 
salvation — to set the northern People to Ji'^hting 
out among themselves the quarrel which really lies 



LEAVEN EOR DOUGHFACES. 305 

between the whole People and us, and after they have 
sufficiently worried one another, we might step in 
and resume our wonted control over the Democracy, 
reward them with post-offices, the receipt of cus- 
toms, and marshalships for their services in subdue- 
ing their brethren, and then all things would go on 
pretty much as they do now, only much more to 
our liking. But at all hazards the Union must be 
preserved, in order to protect us against our slaves, 
even though the hangman's cord should come to 
be the only bond. 

I agree with you in that sentiment, said his 
friend. But before resorting to such harsh meas- 
ures, we must exhaust the fears of the North by 
menacing them in every form which language can 
Utter, with that which we most dread ourselves — ■ 
secession from the Union. And we must by all 
means keep up the illusion that any efforts of the 
North to limit the power of us Slaveholders is 
sectionalism. 

To be sure, said the other. That is our best 
present policy. Meanwhile we must keep the 
Democracy in training in order to use them for 
hangmen and jailers, if the People should attempt 
secession from us. 
26 



LXVII. 

THE STATESMAN IN HADES. 

Pro-Slavery Statesmen fare no better in Hades than 
common Sinners. 

A GREAT Statesman, in a land where every sixth 
person was a slave, died and entered the unseen 
world. Looking about him with wonder at the 
change. Vie saw at a distance, as it were, the gate 
of a glorious city. Hastening to it, he knocked 
for admittance. Then a form human, but robed in 
light, gently turned the gate on its golden hinges, 
and smiling upon the new-comer, told him that be- 
fore he could enter, he must show that he was 
worthy of admission. 

Then the Statesman said : Surely I am worthy 
to enter here. I am an American statesman, and 
when in the body 1 was held in high honor by the 
people of my nation. I was rich and respectable. 
I was an embassador to a foreign court, and I 
once sat in a Conference at Ostend. 

The Bright Form answered : It is not enough 
that you were rich and respectable on earth, a 
statesman and an embassador, to gain admission 

here. But if your life was full of charity, and if 
(306) 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 307 

you used your high position to elevate the poor and 
needy, the oppressed and down-trodden, and to put 
within the reach of the most degraded and wretched 
the good things which God wills should belong to 
all, then you may enter. Hoav was it? What 
was your life as a man and a statesman? 

The Shade replied : It is not usual for American 
statesmen to legislate for the poor and oppressed. 
For our nation consists of three classes : Slaves, 
Slaveholders, and the People. The Slaveholders 
own the Slaves and govern the People, and no 
statesman can rise to distinction who is not obedi- 
ent to these rulers. I could not aid the oppressed 
by statutes favoring slaves, for then their masters 
would have trod upon me. Neither could I legis- 
late to put comfort and happiness within the reach 
of the poor and needy, for all laws favoring these 
classes infringe on the privileges of the Slavehol- 
ders. My life as a man was not softened by the 
exercise of social charities, and my life as a states- 
man had but one object — to m*ake the rich richer, 
and the poor poorer; or, which was the same thing, 
to extend and strengthen the power of the Slave- 
holders. For they were and are the fountain of 
American honors, and no statesman can be honor- 
able who does not first of all do obeisance to them. 
And I should think their commendation should 
gain me admission into this cit3^ 

The Angel answered :' The honors of earth are 
counted of but little value in this world. For here 
men are honored according to their love of Justice 
and Truth. Often is one beloved and glorified 



308 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

here, who on earth was a slave. I fear you will 
little like a residence in our city. Ho\vever, we 
drive no one away by force, but let every one 
choose his own lot. Look within, and see whether 
you can desire a home there. 

So saying, the Angel opened wide the gate, and 
the Statesman looking in, was struck nearly blind 
with the flashing splendors that burst upon him. 
And he tried to make out some distinct object, but 
the longer he looked the blinder he became, when 
turning to the Angel, he said : 

Is this the light of Truth that strikes me so blind? 
Surely when I sat in the Ostend Conference, I did 
not know that the universe contained such a light. 
I cannot endure it ! O give me a darker abode ! 

And the Angel said : Yonder thick darkness is 
the home of your choice. You have spoken your 
own judgment. Be it as you wish, and as you are. 
Nevertheless, when sorrow shall have softened 
your heart, and you have become truly repentant, 
you will be able to bear this light, and the slaves 
whom you despised and injured on earth, will 
receive you into a glorious and eternal habitation. 

Then he made fast the pearly gate, and the 
Statesman, accompanied by foul, gibbering spirita, 
hastened into the thickest darkness of the sur- 
roundinj? reofion. 



LXVIII. 

THE UNKNOWN FUGflTIYE. 

Even th.e Church, will sometime know that Slavery is wrong. 

Several clergymen, falling into the company of 
an Abolitionist, took occasion to reprove him gen- 
tly for his censures upon the conduct of the Church 
in relation to Slavery, and one of them said : 

The Church is the guardian and conservator of 
popular morality and a healthy religious sentiment. 
But she is also a society separate from the world, 
and acts upon it by teaching the great principles 
of duty. There are two classes of duties : those 
which are celestial, and those w^hich are natural. 
The celestial fit men for heaven and the compan- 
ionship of angels ; the natural dispose men to live 
peaceably and happily together. The main celes- 
tial duties are : baptism, the partaking of the sacra- 
ments of bread and wdne, the observance of holy 
days, faith in some creed, and union with some 
sect. It is the strict obedience to these duties that 
saves souls, and fits men for heaven. The natural 
duties are love to God and man, and the living a 

life of charity and justice to our fellows. 

(309) 



310 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Now the Church is bound to give her chief 
attention to the celestial duties, for her function 
is to get rnen into heaven. Therefore, she lays out 
her whole strength in teaching and enforcing them, 
for obedience to them strengthens her foundations 
as a society not of this worlds and saves multitudes 
of souls. But if she occupies herself chiefly with 
the celestial duties, do you not see that she must 
necessarily neglect, in a great measure, the natural 
ones ? Hence it is that the controversy about 
Slavery attracts so little of her attention. For 
Slavery is a violation of a natural duty, not of a 
celestial. While you Abolitionists have been 
making so great an uproar about a sin against a 
natural duty, the Church has been enforcing the 
celestial ones, and gathering hosts into heaven. 
For she is mindful of that censure of her Lord up- 
on the ancient Pharisees, which we read in the 
Gospels : They neglect the tithing of mint, anise, 
and cumin, and attend first to the weightier mat- 
ters of the Law. So we remember to attend first 
to the celestial duties, and then cultivate the natu- 
ral ones. 

We are not unmindful of the fact, however, that 
■while we thus give the preference to the celestial, 
the popular observance of the natural, in some 
measure, lags behind. But what matters it? The 
Church will in due season give her attention to 
these. And if Slavery should for a time have a 
remarkable development, even though attended, as 
you say, with concubinage, adultery, and murder, 
the day is not distant when she will take these 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 311 

vices in hand, and secure for the natural duties as 
profound a regard as for the celestial. 

Then said the Abolitionist : 

1 know not when that good time shall come, but 
I last night saw in a dream the Church's present 
attitude to natural dut}'. I dreamed that the end 
of the Ages was at hand, and the so-called Dead 
were beginning to re-appear, and the Christ deter- 
mined to try the Churches. And in a great city of 
our land there happened to be, on the Lord's own 
day, the hot pursuit of a Fugitive Slave. So the 
Lord rendered the Slave invisible, as he rendered 
himself invisible on the brow of the hill at Naza- 
reth, and he took upon him the very form, of the 
Fugitive, and running before the bands of soldiers 
that pursued him, he rushed into a splendid sanctu- 
ary, when the congregation were at worship. So 
unexpected an event threw the assembly into con- 
fusion. But the minister discerning the state of the 
case, restored order, beckoning with his hand. And 
as the Slave stood in the aisle of the Church, and 
his pursuers at the door, the minister instructed the 
congregation in the celestial duties ; showing them 
that men ought always to obey the powers that be, and 
that personal servitude was sanctioned by Moses 
and the Apostles. 

Then I dreamed that as he was drawing his 
homily to a close, his voice faltered, for he and all 
the congregation saw the face and lineaments of 
the Slave dissolving into a form resplendent with 
light. And I dreamed that when the glorious 
form stood in its full radiance before them, a 



312 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

shudder of fear passed over all, for they knew that 
it was the Lord. Then I thought they all began to 
make excuse, saying, that they knew not that it 
was he, else they would have rescued him from 
the pursuer. Bat the Lord vanished from before 
them, and, as at the feast of Belshazzar, burning 
characters blazed upon the wall, revealing these 
words : Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least oj 
these, ye did it not to me. 

Then said the Abolitionist : 

How long will it be before the Church will un- 
derstand her natural duty to a Fugitive Slave, and 
to all who are in bonds ? 

I cannot tell precisely, said the clergyman. 

Then one of his brethren said : I think I know. 
It will he just as soon as she shall incur no popular 
odium in performing it. 



LXIX. 

THE QUALIFIED CITIZEN. 

Only he who owns a Slave is entitled to Citizenship in the 
Territories of the Union. 

A RESIDENT of One of the free states of the Union 
called upon the President's Lawyer, for information 
concerning the qualifications for citizenship in the 
unoccupied territories of the Republic, declaring it 
to be his intention, if he possessed the proper requi- 
c^ites, to remove and settle in the valley of the 
Kansas. 

And the Lawyer, congratulating him on his pur- 
pose, set forth, in few words, what he considered 
the necessary qualifications. Said he: 

You are aware that the Constitution of the Union 
was ordained to establish Liberty and Justice, as 
is stated in the preamble to that instrument. That 
is still the ostensible, and many still think that to 
be yet its real purpose. This is an error, as I will 
briefly make plain to you. 

The progress of society is a species of cyclical 
movement, an advance from comparative freedom 
to despotism, and then back again from despotism 
to freedom — a progress round and round forever, 
to and from the same points. This is a fundamen 
27 (313) 



314 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

tal postulate in all political philosoph3^ A steady- 
advance, in the style of an ever-growing and ever- 
expanding movement, is neither possible for the 
individual nor society. Constitutions of govern- 
ment should always be formed with reference to 
this principle. If legislators commence with a 
nation which is already free, they should plant in 
the constitutions they ordain, ordinances which 
will eventuate in despotism. They can trust to 
Providence for the despotism to dissolve and melt 
away again into freedom. I am happy to say that 
the framers of our American Constitution seem to 
have had these principles in view. Taking the 
nation in its free stage of development, they in- 
serted in the Constitution the element of despotism 
with so much skill, that it could unfold itself with- 
out violent convulsions to society, and almost im- 
perceptibly. The despotic element consists in that 
provision which makes three Slaveholders equal to 
five Non-Slaveholders. Our national history thus 
far has been the history of the progress of the Slave 
Power to absolute dominion. For when there is 
no equilibrium between the ruling powers of a 
state, and one controls all the rest, there is a des- 
potism. England, for example, is free, because 
there is an equilibrium between the King, Lords, 
and Commens. Russia is a despotism, because 
the regal power embodied in the Autocrat subdues 
and domineers over the Lords and the unemanci- 
pated Commons. Our country is free, because there 
is at present an equilibrium between the Slavehol- 
ders and the People. But according to the princi- 



LEAVEN rOR DOUGHFACES. 315 

pies of political philosophy, which require society 
to alternate incessantly between the opposite 
states of freedom and despotism, it is high time 
that the original freedom of the nation should give 
place to the absolute authority of the Slaveholders. 
The era of popular Justice and Liberty passed 
away with the decease of the fathers of the Re- 
public, and we are now advanced to the era of the 
unlimited sway of the Slave Power. This latter 
era is justified by natural law, you perceive. 

Now it is the highest duty of statesmen, as well 
as private persons, to obey all manner of natural 
laws, and aid their development. By no cabinet 
which has ever administered the American gov- 
ernment, has this duty been more clearly seen, 
and more ardently conformed to, than by the pres- 
ent. Having the control of the Democracy, we 
thought we could engage it in no nobler mission than 
in setting it to work to establish the rule of the 
Slave Power, and make it act as obstetric physician 
in giving birth to that despotism toward which 
society naturally tends. But the obstetric art has 
its difficulties no less than other arts; and a benef- 
icent despotism cannot be born from the womb of 
the People without terrible throes, even when the 
Democracy officiates as midwife. 

To explain : In enthroning the Slave Power, the 
government has found it necessary to establish the 
principle that Slavery exists by natural law in all 
the territories of the Republic. But we could not 
openly declare it to the People, for fear they might 
become restive under its application. To keep 



316 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

them quiet we proclaimed the principle of Popular 
Sovereignty, by which the People were led to sup- 
pose that they were to establish their own institu- 
tions anywhere in the territories. But while we 
proclaimed this doctrine, we managed, by aid of 
the Army of the Union and regiments of volunteer 
Slaveholders, to determine who the People should be. 
The Army and the militia of Slaveholders have 
practically settled this question : He only is one of 
the People, qualified to reside in the territories, icho 
either owns a negro, or is anxious to get one. After 
the Army and Border Ruffians have enforced this 
principle for a year, the People will acquiesce in it. 
They will acquiesce, because the natural current of 
our political affairs is toward despotism, and ac- 
quiescence is the order of the day. So it will not 
be long ere the People will come to believe that 
Slavery exists by natural law in all virgin territo- 
ries, and then it will exist in them. Meantime, 
while the Army of the Union and the volunteer 
Slaveholders — commonly called Border Ruffians — 
are teaching the People the proper qualifications 
for citizenship, it has been necessary, on account 
of their indocility and intractable character, to put 
many of them to death openly, to assassinate oth- 
ers, to insult their women, and burn their houses. 
This would look exceedingly bad, were it not done 
under the shadow of the national flag; but fortu- 
nately the Stars and Stripes of the Union have 
waved and are waving over the whole procedure. 
We hope to add additional facilities to these oper- 
ations by passing through Congress a new Popular 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 317 

Sovereignty Bill, which, apparently putting a stop 
to them ail, will really encourage them to the 
greatest degree. 

I see by your countenance, continued the Law- 
yer, that you have some fears that when Slavery 
shall be established in all the virgin territory ot 
the Republic, it will at the same time get a footing 
in all the free states. But pray, why should it not? 
Is it any worse when existing in a free state, than 
when secured in the territories ? Indeed, will not 
the establishment of it in the free states further the 
up-building of that despotism to which our politi- 
cal system naturally gravitates? But if it is a 
natural tendency of things, why do you dread it? 

You may also have some fears of opening too 
wide a field for Amalgamation. This is a very 
silly fear. To be sure, we harp on the dangers ot 
Amalgamation when we wish to frighten the Peo- 
ple from indulging abolition sentiments; but every 
good Democrat knows that there is no danger from 
that practice, when it accompanies Slavery as an 
institution. For thus being administered by Slave- 
holders, it is voluntary on one side only^ and can be 
made to add vastly to the wealth of the nation. 
Every good Democrat looks forward with hilarity, 
to the day when the whole vast area of country 
between the Mississippi and the Pacific, shall be 
inhabited mainly by a parti-colored population; 
when the slave's chain shall be bound on heels of 
all shades, from jetty black to pure white; and the 
crack of the overseer's whip shall be heard on the 
summit of the Rocky Mountains ! Do not dread 



318 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Amalgamation, my friend; there will be no harm 
in it, when Slavery shall extend to all com- 
plexions.. 

When the citizen had heard this lucid exposition 
of the policy of the government, he said : 

Will you now be so good as to sum up the qual- 
ifications necessary for me to secure a safe citizen- 
ship in any territory — for example, Kansas? 

I think I can, said the Lawyer. The qualifica- 
tions may be stated in three words, which we intend 
to have inscribed on all the flags which wave in 
the territories. They are these: Buy a negro! 

It will not be enough that you simply wish one : 
you must own him de facto, in order to obtain 
secure citizenship in any territory. For while the 
Army and Border Ruffians are just now determin- 
ing who the People are, it has been discovered that 
they can set up but one simple test, which will 
admit of no mistake in any circumstances. The 
actual presence of a negro slave at the back of a person 
will be a plain and palpable proof that the owner 
is one of the People, a citizen of the Union, and 
entitled to the free possession of life, liberty, and 
happiness in any territory. 

Do not think, my friend, that by entering a ter- 
ritory with the Bible and Declaration of Indepen- 
dence in one hand, and the Constitution of the 
Union in the other, that you will be secure. The 
mere presence of these documents near your per- 
son, would at once show that you were not enti- 
tled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, 
and would render you liable to assassination, if 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 319 

you should by accident meet any of those gentle- 
men whose function it is to decide who are the Peo- 
ple. A negro at your back would be worth more 
than whole cart-loads of Bibles and Constitutions, 
in guarantying your security and peace in the ter- 
ritories. If you go to Kansas, sir, to settle, by all 
means first buy a negro. 

When the citizen had heard this advice, he very 
cordially thanked the Lawyer for it, and set out 
that very day for Virginia, in order to procure a 
guaranty for free citizenship in Kansas. 



LXX. 

THE STKICKEN SENATOR. 

Free Speech cannot be tolerated in Congress. 

A Senator in the Congress of the American Re- 
public, who was an ardent lover of liberty, and 
held the prosperity of the People of greater ac- 
count than his own personal welfare, ventured to 
speak in plain terms of the acts of that Slave Pow- 
er which aims to obtain entire control of his nation. 
He sho\ved how that tyrannic Power had robbed 
the People of a great territory in the name of 
Popular Sovereignty, and had cheated the free 
settlers in it of the privilege of self-government; 
had foisted upon them a legislature of Slavehol- 
ders; had deprived them of the freedom of speech 
and of the press; had posted among them a de- 
tachment of the national army, that they might 
the more easily become the victims of ruffianly 
violence ; and had wrought all these iniquities by 
the aid of the Chief Magistrate of the Republic, 
and his fellow-slaves of the Congress. 

When the minions of the Slave Power heard the 

Senator, some, in whom still lingered the elements 

of humanity, blushed at the iniquity ; but most of 

them were exceedingly wroth, and thirsted for 

(320) 



^ 




«^s^^ 



'lull 



Hf/iiil' 






r^^2^ 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 323 

vengeance. Meeting together, they consulted 
what should be done. 

Then one said: 

If we tolerate such bold and audacious speech 
as this in the Senate, the liberty of slaveholding 
will soon be in danger throughout the Republic. 
For it must needs be, that if permitted to continue, 
the People will ere long come to believe that the 
slavery of blacks will end in their own bondage. 
But at least they will fathom our present projects. 
They already begin to suspect that Slaveholders 
wish all the political power of the country. It will 
never do to let them know that their suspicions are 
well-founded ; for they would rise in anger, and by 
one stroke sweep our privileges away ; and we 
should not only lose power in the government, but 
our slaves themselves. We must punish that 
Senator for his insolence, and thus overawe for the 
future all who would speak too freelv of our 
doings. 

So they appointed two Democrats, members of 
the Congress, to assail the Senator, and inflict on 
him personal violence. And if one were to ask 
how it is known that they were democrats, it might 
be said that they called themselves so, and that 
the Slave Power confided in them, and that they 
were the owners of slaves. And these facts should 
prove their title to be just. But if one were to ask, 
whether they were well chosen for the brutality 
they were to perform, it might be said that they 
were deputies from the most chivalrous state in 
the Republic — a state in which the People are 



324 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

ciphers, and Slaveholders everything, and where it 
is thought that blows of a cudgel will compensate for an 
insult; for its better class is only half-civilized. 

These ruffians watched their opportunity, and finding 
their intended victim engaged in writing, one assailed 
him in his seat, and with violent blows falling thick and 
fast, prostrated him insensible on the floor of the Senate 
Chamber, where he lay weltering in his blood. But the 
ruffian's fellow kept guard during the assault. And an- 
other Senator, a giant in everything but body, soul, and 
moral worth, stood a little distance off, and looked on 
delighted; while over the whole scene floated the flag ot 
the Republic. 

After this brutal assault had been perpetrated, the 
Slave Power throughout the Union boasted that free 
speech was effectually overawed in Congress; and even 
the Democracy of the land could ill conceal their exulta- 
tion, for they thought the suppression of free speech a 
gain to themselves as well as to the Slaveholders. And 
the ruffian himself, rewarded with gifts of many canes 
from his patrons, enjoyed the highest honors he could 
understand, or which they knew how to confer. 

Now a distinguished Alien, a guest in the Republic, 
was shocked at such a display of barbarity, and visiting 
the Chief Magistrate, he inquired how such deeds could 
be tolerated. 

The Magistrate blandly answered : 

You do not understand, I perceive, the secret springs 
of American politics. Two powers, since the formation 
of the Constitution, have been struggling for supremacy 
in the national government. One is the People; the 
other, the body of Slaveholders, The former has strug- 
gled blindly thus far ; the latter, with full consciousness 
of its purpose. At times the People, aroused to the im- 



LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 325 

portaiice of tlie conflict, awake and exert themselves to 
make Liberty universal and triumphant. But they 
presently become apathetic and drowsy, and the Slave 
Power takes advantage of their inertness, to corrupt 
their representatives and undo all they have accom- 
plished. And so persistent and vigilant is the Slave 
Power, that thus far it has constantly beaten the People, 
and seems likely to triumph over them altogether, and 
banish Liberty from the Union. Now the country 
abounds in men like me — I honestly confess it — who 
make the pursuit of politics a business, and whose only 
chance of success in life lies in courting the strongest 
party. We have discovered that the Slave Power is the 
only reliable source of political preferments ; and most 
of us long since marshalled under its banner, to subdue 
the People and make Slavery national. We despair of 
reaching office by the path of honor and patriotism ; so 
we take another route. We who now administer the 
government, occupy our present position through the 
patronage of Slaveholders. Perhaps you would like to 
know how we go to work to execute the commissions of 
our patrons. A brief statement of our methods will 
make it intelligible to you, how the beating of Senators 
becomes necessary. 

I should like to know how you proceed, said the Alien. 
There might be something instructive in your doings, 
for European statesmen. 

Well, said the Magistrate, our procedure is quite 
unique. We servants of the Slave Power go abroad 
among the People, and persuade them, first, that we are 
the only democrats living. Then we pick up subordinates, 
smart, active fellows, who have no conscience, make some 
of them editors, and put others into the petty offices of 
the land and baptize them as THE DEMOCRACY. 



326 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

With this nucleus of a permanent organization, we 
set to work upon the People themselves, and drill 
into them these sentiments, to wit : that natural rights 
belong only to white men; that Slavery is justified by 
civil constitutions when it conflicts with the law of Grod ; 
that the last statute enacted by the strongest party in a 
state, is the highest rule of right in morals, provided it 
favors Slavery ; that hostility to Slavery is dangerous to 
the Union ; that devotion to Freedom is sectionalism ; 
that agitation of the Slavery question should be sup- 
pressed in the North ; that a private citizen may carry 
Slavery, as an institution, into any territory, but that 
no private citizen can carry Freedom into the same ; 
that the People may govern themselves if Slaveholders 
rule them ; that it is right for a slave state to secede at 
pleasure from the Union, but treason for a free state to 
do the same thing ; that there is no power under the 
Constitution to build a national railroad, but ample pow- 
er to employ the Army and Navy of the country to catch 
fugitive slaves, and prevent the settlement of the terri- 
tories of the nation by Non-Slaveholders ; and last of 
all, that no democrat should hesitate to follow his party- 
leaders. We have been so successful in inculcating 
these principles, that many of the People really think 
them to be the code of genuine democracy. You per- 
ceive, however, that they substantially amount to this, 
that fidelity and devotion to Slavery have become the one 
thing needful in American politics. 

Well, we were lately carrying into practice some of 
the more fruitful of these principles, in Kansas. We 
stole the territory from the People by act of Congress. 
We set loose the Slaveholders of an adjoining state on 
the residents there, and haa over-run and effectually 
subdued them, as we thought, though not indeed without 



- LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 327 

some violence and occasional murders. The citizens of 
the territory made some resistance, it is true; still, our 
cause was advancing prosperously, and we bid fair to 
have the whole nation to back us. But in the full tide 
of our success, that fanatical Senator unveiled our pro- 
ceedings, and let out the great secret, that the Slavehol- 
ders wished not only to possess black slaves, but to be 
masters of all the People likewise. It was an offense 
not to be forgiven. We who had been long in the ser- 
vice of the Slave Power as confirmed democrats, had al- 
ways been careful not to blab the secret of its aims. 
Our offices and bread depend on our keeping it. But 
this insolent talker, who sits in Congress without asking 
any favors of the Slave Power, spoke the thing right out. 
Of course, we were obliged to punish him for vengeance, 
and also to prevent any such free speaking hereafter. 
So we did punish him. Two democratic Slaveholders 
inflicted on him a deserved chastisement, from which if 
he were to die, it would be all right. It is nothing more 
than has already been suffered by many a non-slavehol- 
ding citizen of Kansas. We modern democrats do not 
die for liberty, as our fathers did; we prefer rather to 
inflict death on those who love liberty too well. 

The reason, then, of that penal infliction on the Sen- 
ator was, that he revealed too plainly the doings of the 
Slave Power. For that Power, ruling Congress through 
the Democracy, took the matter in hand, and by first 
suggesting, and afterwards approving of the punishment 
of the Senator, has pretty thoroughly suppressed, as we 
think, all free speech in Congress for some time. 

But scenes similar to the beating of the Senator may 
still occasionally occur. Our slaveholding masters are 
very chivalrous characters, and they do not readily tol- 
erate any dissent from their own opinions. So it can 



328 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

not be known, witli certainty, what slight grounds they 
may find for cudgeling the northern representatives. It 
behooves these gentlemen to walk softly, and not talk 
too much of liberty in Congress. We of the Democracy 
never open our lips in favor of freedom there. We 
know our place — for we are cudgeled in ways the People 
little dream of. The only thing unpleasant, however, to 
us — the better sort of democrats who are engaged in the 
service of the Slave Power — is, that past favors are apt 
to be forgotten. My own deserts have been overlooked 
in a manner little expected. But I hate to speak of the 
subject. I console myself with the reflection, that if I 
cannot soar very high hereafter, I can still continue to 
crawl. 

You have another consolation, said the Alien. It is, 
that you are sacrificed in the support of those great 
democratic principles which you enunciated to me. 

Oh, said the Magistrate, it is only the Slaveholders 
who derive any consolation, now-a-days, from the sup- 
port of democratic principles. 



DEMOCRATIC STATUTE IN FORCE IN KANSAS, 
JULY 4, 1856. 



Ee it enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of 
the Territory of Kansas, as follows : 

Section 1. — That every person, bond or free, who 
shall be convicted of actually raising a rebellion or in- 
surrection of slaves, free negroes, or mulattoes, in this 
Territory, shall suffer death. 

Sec. 2. Every free person who shall aid or assist in 
any rebellion or insurrection of slaves, free negroes, or 
mulattoes, or shall furnish arms, or do any overt act in 
furtherance of such rebellion or insurrection, shall 
suffer death. 

Sec. 3. If any free person shall, by speaking, writ- 
ing, or printing, advise, persuade, or induce any slaves 
to rebel, conspire against or murder any citizen of this 
Territory, or shall bring into print, write, publish, or 
circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, written, 
published, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist 
in the bringing into, printing, writing, publishing, or 
circulating, in this Territory, any book, paper, magazine, 
pamphlet or circular, for the purpose of exciting insur- 
rection, rebellion, revolt, or conspiracy on the part of 
the slaves, free negroes or mulattoes, against the citizens 
of the Territory or any part of them, such person shall 
be guilty of felony, and suffer death. 

28 (329) 



330 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

Sec. 4. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry 
away out of tliis Territory any slave belonging to anoth- 
er, with intent to deprive the owner thereof of the ser- 
vices of such slave, or with intent to effect or procure the 
freedom of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of 
grand larceny, and, on conviction thereof, shall suffer 
death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 
ten years. 

Sec. 5. If any person shall aid or assist in enticing, 
decoying, or persuading, or carrying away, or sending 
out of this Territory any slave belonging to another 
Tvith intent to procure or effect the freedom of such 
slave, or with intent to deprive the owner thereof of the 
services of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of 
grand larceny, and, on conviction thereof, shall suffer 
death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than 
ten years. 

Sec. 6. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry 
away out of any State or other Territory of the United 
States any slave belonging to another, with intent to pro- 
cure or effect the freedom of such slave, or to deprive 
the owners thereof of the services of such slave, and 
shall bring such slave into this Territory, he shall be 
adjudged guilty of grand larceny, in the same manner as 
if such slave had been enticed, decoyed, or carried away 
out of this Territory, and in such case the larceny may 
be charged to have been committed in any county of this 
Territory into or through which such slave shall have 
been brought by such person, and, on conviction there- 
of, the person offending shall suffer death, or be impris- 
oned at hard labor for not less than ten years. 

Sec. 7. If any person shall entice, persuade or induce 
any slave to escape from the service of his master or 
owner in this Territory, or shall aid or assist any slave 



LEAVEN FOE DOUnilFACES. 331 

in escaping from the service of his master or owner, or 
shall aid, assist, harbor or conceal any slave who may 
have escaped from the service of his master or owner, 
shall be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by im- 
prisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than five 
years. 

Sec. 8. If any person in this Territory shall aid or 
assist, harbor or conceal any slave who has escaped from 
the service of his master or owner, in another State or 
Territory, such person shall be punished in like manner 
as if such slave had escaped from the service of his mas- 
ter or owner in this Territory. 

Sec. 9. If any person shall resist any officer while 
attempting to arrest any slave that may have escaped 
from the service of his master or owner, or shall rescue 
such slave when in custody of any officer or other person, 
or shall entice, persuade, aid or assist such slave to es- 
cape from the custody of any officer or other person who 
may have such slave in custody, whether such slave have 
escaped from the service of his master or owner in this 
Territory, or in any other State or Territory, the person 
so offending shall be guilty of felony, and punished by 
imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than 
two years. 

Sec. 10. If any marshal, sheriff, or constable, or the 
deputy of any such officer, shall, when requirSd by any 
person, refuse to aid or assist in the arrest and capture 
of any slave that may have escaped from the service of 
his master or owner, whether such slave shall have es- 
caped from his master or owner in this Territory, or any 
State or other Territory, such officer shall be fined in a 
sum of not less than one hundred nor more than five 
hundred dollars. 

Sec. 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, 



332 LEAVEN FOR DOUGHFACES. 

publisli or circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, 
written, published and circulated, or shall knowingly aid 
or assist in bringing into, printing, publishing or circu- 
lating within this Territory, any book, paper, pamphlet, 
nagazine, handbill or circular, containing any state- 
ments, arguments, opinions, sentiments, doctrine, advice 
or inuendo, calculated to produce a disorderly, dangerous 
or rebellious disaffection among the slaves in this Terri- 
tory, or to induce such slaves to escape from the service 
of their masters, or resist their authority, he shall be 
guilty of felony, and be punished by imprisonment and 
hard labor for a term not less than five years. 

Sec. 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writ- 
ing, assert or maintain that persons have not the right 
to hold slaves in this Territory, or shall introduce into 
this Territory, print, publish, write, circulate, or cause 
to be introduced into this Territory, written, printed, 
published or circulated in this Territory, any book, pa- 
per, magazine, pamphlet or circular containing any 
denial of the right of persons to hold slaves in this Ter- 
ritory, such person shall be deemed guilty of felony, and 
punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of 
not less than two years. 

Sec. 13. No person who is conscientiously opposed 
to holding slaves, or who does not admit the right to 
hold slaves in this Territory, shall sit as a juror on the 
trial of any prosecution for any violation of any of the 
sections of this act. 

This act to take effect and be in force from and after 
the fifteenth day of September, A. D. 1855. 



3i|.77-2 



f 



